Negative inversion Example *Nothin' ain't you can do for 'em. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The authors use this example to show "Ain't nothin' you can do for 'em" does not have an uninverted equivalent. Source Labov et al. 1968 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Negative inversion Example *Nothin' ain't that you can do for 'em. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The authors use this example to show "Ain't nothin' you can do for 'em" does not have an uninverted equivalent. Source Labov et al. 1968 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Negative inversion Example Don't many of them live around here. (Hough, Cleveland, Ohio-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 41.4933, -81.6918 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Age: 12	Negative inversion Example It's against the law; that's why don't so many people do it. (Chicago, Illinois-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Willie J. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 41.875, -87.6210 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Age: 15
Negative inversion Example *Don't few of them live around here. (Palo Alto, California-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Sells et al. 1996 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 37.4447, -122.134 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Age:	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Ain't nobody doin' nothin' wrong. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author points out that the minimally different example "Nobody ain't doin' nothin' wrong" is also acceptable. Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9195, -102.2662 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Ain't none of the students done their homework. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author points out that the minimally different example "*None of the students ain't done their homework" is not acceptable. If only the subject and the auxiliary bear negative morphology, speakers of West Texas English prefer the inverted word order. Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9150, -102.216 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Negative inversion Example Dudn't anybody seem to understand... (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author states that this example from Feagin (1979) is also acceptable in West Texas English. Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.928, -102.65 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Negative inversion Example *Is somethin' happenin'. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author provides this example to show that negative inversion cannot occur in affirmative sentences. Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.917, -102.9 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Negative inversion Example *Is everybody here. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author provides this example to show that negative inversion cannot occur in affirmative sentences. Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.916, -102.4 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Negative inversion Example Ain't very many people read your book. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9134, -102.2652 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example *Ain't I seen nobody today. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author provides this example to show that sentences exhibiting definite subjects do not have negative inversion counterparts. Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9169, -102.2665 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Ain't no black Santa Claus. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author suggests that this example is a negative existential which involves a null expletive rather than involving inversion. Some of the author's consultants find this example marginal. Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.919, -102.261 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Ain't nothin' you can do for 'em. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author suggests that this example is a negative existential that is not derived by inversion but instead involves a null expletive. Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9119, -102.2690 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Wudn't no more than ten people allowed in at a time. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9118, -102.2635 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Don't nobody live there. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9128, -102.2643 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Didn't nowhere near a thousand people go to that concert. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9116, -102.2680 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Won't none of the students go to the party. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9183, -102.2623 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Wouldn't no gentleman act like that. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9185, -102.2626 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Cain't no dog but Ol' Blue do that trick. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9164, -102.2693 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Couldn't neither of 'em fit in the car. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9193, -102.2682 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Shouldn't nobody be allowed to act like that. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9124, -102.262 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Hadn't nary a soul set foot in that house, 'til Dave moved in. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9153, -102.2640 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Negative inversion Example Didn't many people live there then. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author provides these examples to show that negative inversion is compatible with positive subjects. Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.910, -102.2642 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Negative inversion Example Won't more than 5 people fit in that car. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author provides these examples to show that negative inversion is compatible with positive subjects. Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9132, -102.2695 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Negative inversion Example Cain't all o' ya go at once. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author provides these examples to show that negative inversion is compatible with positive subjects. Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.918, -102.2625 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Negative inversion Example Ain't every student here yet. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author provides these examples to show that negative inversion is compatible with positive subjects. He points out that the subject 'every student' cannot occur in an existential 'there' context as shown by the unacceptable "*Was there every student in the garden?" Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.913, -102.2648 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Negative inversion Example Didn't half the students do their homework. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author provides these examples to show that negative inversion is compatible with positive subjects. He points out that the subject 'half the students' cannot occur in an existential 'there' context as shown by the unacceptable "*Are there half the students outside?" Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9133, -102.2633 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Ain't nobody doin' nothin' wrong, are they? (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author provides this example to show that the true subject of negative inversion sentences appears in tag questions. Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9161, -102.2663 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example *Ain't nobody doin' nothin' wrong, is it? (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author provides this example to show that an expletive does not appear in tag questions. Instead, the true subject of the sentence appears in tag questions, such as in the acceptable example "Ain't nobody doin' nothin' wrong, are they?" Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9187, -102.263 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example *Ain't nobody doin' nothin' wrong, is there? (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author provides this example to show that an expletive does not appear in tag questions. Instead, the true subject of the sentence appears in tag questions, such as in the acceptable example "Ain't nobody doin' nothin' wrong, are they?" Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9149, -102.2695 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example *Ain't nobody doin' nothin' wrong, are there? (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author provides this example to show that an expletive does not appear in tag questions. Instead, the true subject of the sentence appears in tag questions, such as in the acceptable example "Ain't nobody doin' nothin' wrong, are they?" Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9122, -102.2642 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Ain't no man gonna cheat on a woman like that, is he? (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author provides this example to show that the true subject of negative inversion sentences appears in tag questions. Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9192, -102.2658 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example *Ain't no man gonna cheat on a woman like that, is there? (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author provides this example to show that an expletive does not appear in tag questions. Instead, the true subject of the sentence appears in tag questions, such as in the acceptable example "Ain't no man gonna cheat on a woman like that, is he?" Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9119, -102.2647 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Ain't no black Santa Claus, is there? (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author provides this example to show that the element of a negative existential sentence which appears in tag questions is the expletive, 'there.' Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9115, -102.2688 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example I guess, cain't no man live forever, can he? (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author provides this example to show that the true subject of negative inversion sentences appears in tag questions. Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9142, -102.2625 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Cain't nobody do nothin' right. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9166, -102.2674 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Don't nobody like that. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9116, -102.2668 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example *Will none of the students not go to the party. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author provides this example to show that the auxiliary in sentences exhibiting negative inversion must have combined with the sentential negation 'not.' Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9162, -102.2634 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example *Will none of the students go to the party. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author provides this example to show that the auxiliary in sentences exhibiting negative inversion must be negative. Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9146, -102.2677 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example She loves the fact that don't nobody like her. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author provides this example to show that negative inversion can occur in embedded clauses with an overt 'that' complementizer. Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9193, -102.2662 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example She loves the fact that don't nobody like her. (-Judgment-based) Comments: Janine Ekulona helped the author with establishing grammaticality judgments for African American English. Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: African American Gender: Age:
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example *Ain't Jack doin' nothin' wrong. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author provides this example to show that sentences exhibiting definite subjects do not have negative inversion counterparts. Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9181, -102.2639 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Negative inversion Example *Wouldn't I do that. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author provides this example to show that sentences exhibiting definite subjects do not have negative inversion counterparts. Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9149, -102.2692 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Negative inversion Example *Didn't the teachers go to the party. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author provides this example to show that sentences exhibiting definite subjects do not have negative inversion counterparts. Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9143, -102.2699 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Negative inversion Example Didn't many people go to the party. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author points out that in this example, the negation must scope over the subject whereas this example's noninverted counterpart is ambiguous such that the negation and the subject can outscope each other. Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9177, -102.2657 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Negative inversion Example Didn't everybody finish their homework. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author points out that in this example, the negation must scope over the subject whereas this example's noninverted counterpart is ambiguous such that the negation and the subject can outscope each other. Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9138, -102.2688 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Negative inversion Example Won't more than three people be allowed in at a time. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author points out that in this example, the negation must scope over the subject whereas this example's noninverted counterpart is ambiguous such that the negation and the subject can outscope each other. Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9149, -102.262 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Negative inversion Example *Ain't Jack seen the baby yet. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author provides this example to show that sentences exhibiting definite subjects do not have negative inversion counterparts. Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9189, -102.2653 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Negative inversion Example *Won't the student answer the question. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author provides this example to show that sentences exhibiting definite subjects do not have negative inversion counterparts. Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9114, -102.2647 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Negative inversion Example *Cain't their dogs do that. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author provides this example to show that sentences exhibiting definite subjects do not have negative inversion counterparts. Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9150, -102.2685 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Negative inversion Example Ain't everybody NOT going to the party. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author provides this example as evidence for two negative projections. The example exhibits double negation rather than negative concord, suggesting that two instances of logical negation are present in the example. Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9131, -102.2629 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example *Didn't nobody see not many people. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9170, -102.264 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Didn't no more than three people come to the party. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author provides this example to show that the constituent 'no more than three people' is licensed in a sentence exhibiting negative inversion. Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9170, -102.2680 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example *Didn't not everybody come to the party. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author provides this example to show that 'not everybody' does not form a constituent and is not licensed in a sentence exhibiting negative inversion. This example can be compared to the acceptable "Didn't no more than three people come to the party," where 'no more than three people' does form a constituent and it is licensed in a sentence exhibiting negative inversion. Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.919, -102.265 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example *Didn't not a single person come to my party. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author provides this example to show that 'not a single person' does not form a constituent and is not licensed in a sentence exhibiting negative inversion. This example can be compared to the acceptable "Didn't no more than three people come to the party," where 'no more than three people' does form a constituent and it is licensed in a sentence exhibiting negative inversion. Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9140, -102.2631 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example *Didn't not more than three people come to the party. (West Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author provides this example to show that 'not more than three people' does not form a constituent and is not licensed in a sentence exhibiting negative inversion. This example can be compared to the acceptable "Didn't no more than three people come to the party," where 'no more than three people' does form a constituent and it is licensed in a sentence exhibiting negative inversion. Source Foreman 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: West Texas English Specific locale: 31.9140, -102.2617 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Split subjects, Negative concord Example *They told me that it didn't none of the children see anything... (-Judgment-based) Comments: Source White-Sustaita 2010 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Split subjects, Negative concord Example *They told me that dey didn't none of the children see anything... (-Judgment-based) Comments: Source White-Sustaita 2010 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Split subjects, Negative concord Example But they'd give me a note so there wouldn' nobody interfere with me. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: This example is attributed to Fountain Hughes, born in Charlottesville, Virginia in 1848. Source Bailey et al. 1991 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Split subjects, Negative concord Example *It didn't nobody see it. (-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Weldon 1994 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Split subjects, Negative concord Example *Dey didn't nobody see it. (-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Weldon 1994 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Negative concord Example It don't be nobody drinking tea. (-) Comments: Source Green 2006 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Split subjects, Negative concord Example *It don't nobody be drinking tea. (-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Green 2006 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Split subjects, Negative concord Example dey didn' nobody hab ter stan' over 'em... (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Ambiguous between 'there wasn't anybody who had to stand over them...' or 'they didn't, any of them, have to stand over them...' Example found by White-Sustaita (2010). Source Chestnutt & Sollors 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	So don't I Example A. I play basketball. B. Yeah, but so don't I. (Eastern New England-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Wood 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 44.986, -70.398 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
So don't I Example A. I wish I had an orange. B. So don't I. (New York City, New York-Judgment-based) Comments: Example discussed by Horace Reynolds in N.Y. Times Book Rev. Source Gilman 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 40.7175, -74.0090 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	So don't I Example We are victims and so aren't the consumers who will have to pay higher prices to recoup the losses of shoplifting. (Springfield, Massachusetts-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Example cited from the author from the Springfield (Mass.) Morning Union; attributed to a businessman. Source Gilman 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 42.150, -72.514 Ethnicity: Gender: Male Age:
So don't I Example *He can't touch the ceiling, and neither can't I. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that "so" is an integral part of the "so don't I" construction and it is limited to the affirmative. Source Wood 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	So don't I Example *He can touch the ceiling, and neither can't I. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that "so" is an integral part of the "so don't I" construction and it is limited to the affirmative. Source Wood 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
So don't I Example *He can touch the ceiling, but I can't either. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that "so" is an integral part of the "so don't I" construction and it is limited to the affirmative. Source Wood 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	So don't I Example *He can touch the ceiling, but so can't I. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that "so" is an integral part of the "so don't I" construction and it is limited to the affirmative. Source Wood 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
So don't I Example *He can't touch the ceiling, but so can't I. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that "so" is an integral part of the "so don't I" construction and it is limited to the affirmative. Source Wood 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	So don't I Example *Bill is going to school, and Harry isn't too. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that "so" is an integral part of the "so don't I" construction and it is limited to the affirmative. Source Wood 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
So don't I Example *I play guitar, but so doesn't John at all. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that "so don't I" does not license negative polarity items. Source Wood 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	So don't I Example *I play guitar, but so doesn't anybody else. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that "so don't I" does not license negative polarity items. Source Wood 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
So don't I Example *I play guitar, but so doesn't John ever. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that "so don't I" does not license negative polarity items. Source Wood 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	So don't I Example *John doesn't play guitar but so don't I. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that "so don't I" requires a positive antecedent. Source Wood 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
So don't I Example *John plays guitar but neither don't I. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that "so don't I" is affirmative. Source Wood 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	So don't I Example *He plays guitar, but so too don't I. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that 'so don't I' is incompatible with an overt 'too.' This example contrasts with "He plays guitar, but so don't I." Source Wood 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
So don't I Example He plays guitar, but so don't I. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author contrasts this example with "*He plays guitar, but so too don't I," which is ruled out because the 'so don't I' construction is incompatible with an overt 'too.' Source Wood 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	So don't I Example *Just as some parents ignore their children, so too don't some children ignore their parents. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that "so don't I" is incompatible with an overt "too." This contrasts with "Just as some parents ignore their children, so don't some children ignore their parents." Source Wood 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
So don't I Example Just as some parents ignore their children, so don't some children ignore their parents. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that "so don't I" is incompatible with an overt "too." This contrasts with "*Just as some parents ignore their children, so too don't some children ignore their parents." Source Wood 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	So don't I Example First Of All i'm not trying to "copy" the original creator of this idea but i figure if he can do it so won't i. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example cited by the author from: greg.fultz.com/walmart/index.html Source Wood 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
So don't I Example I like Tyra I really do, sometimes she can be obnoxious but so can't everyone else, Oprah, Ellen, etc. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example cited by the author from: www.tmz.com/2006/11/14/sweeps-alert-en-tyra-audience-strips/ Source Wood 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	So don't I Example ... I think Fred and Daphne would make a compatible couple, but so wouldn't Luke and Leia, but they are siblings, and that is what Fred and Daphne seem like to me. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example cited by the author from: www.geocities.com/scoob_page/hopeless.htm Source Wood 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
So don't I Example Went here the other night with a girlfriend. Sure it's trendy, but so aren't most NYC clubs. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example cited by the author from: www.yelp.com/biz/runway-new-york-3 Source Wood 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Asian Gender: Female Age:	So don't I Example I so agree - we do need to let go and laugh and live. And we so need our gal pals - hubbys and kids and other family are essential for most of us, but so aren't the gals in our lives. (Worcester, Massachusetts-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example cited by the author from: stampinangeljenn.blogspot.com/2008/06/girls-daynight.html Source Wood 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 42.2578, -71.8022 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age:
So don't I Example Yes, the "Somalis" should be treated with respect but so shouldn't the Americans. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example cited by the author from: www.sunjournal.com/story/258000-3/LewistonAuburn/Students Source Wood 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	So don't I Example National healthcare would be great, but so wouldn't everybody actually paying taxes. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example cited by the author from: www.boston.com/news/politics/politicalintelligence/2008/07/mccain_sharpens.html Source Wood 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
So don't I Example That is a huge drop and I too would never make snide comments about how much GM workers get paid cause I too would want a job that paid that much and so wouldn't everyone else. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Source Wood 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	So don't I Example How would you feel if your best buddy got into his car and killed someone or a family? Not only would you be screwed but so wouldn't your friend. (Boston, Massachusetts-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example cited by the author from: www.topix.com/forum/city/whitman-ma/T1U969VA75N07VNB7/p5 Source Wood 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 42.3587, -71.0553 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age:
So don't I Example I never felt that my life was placed in any danger but if I had been one of those three Texas patients, not only would I have been in danger but so wouldn't have been my nurse. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example cited by the author from: allnurses.com/forums/f8/safe-harbor-246096.html Source Wood 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	So don't I Example Not only would I greatly appreciate it, but so wouldn't every man or woman living with cancer today! (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example cited by the author from: www.relayforlife.org/relay/node/3990 Source Wood 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
So don't I Example Not only should SuperMoto, and road bike racers in general, check their stems, but so shouldn't all street bike riders. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example cited by the author from: strictlymoto.blogspot.com/feeds/posts/default Source Wood 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	So don't I Example A: I like to go camping. B: So don't I. (-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Pappas 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
So don't I Example A: I am the greatest basketball player in the world. B: So aren't I. (Southern New Hampshire; Northern Connecticut; Western Massachusetts; York, Maine-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Pappas 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 43.629, -71.085 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	So don't I Example I for Clarence weep, so doth not she. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from William Shakespeare's play "Richard III," Act II scene 2. Source Pappas 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Elizabethan/Early Modern English Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
So don't I Example I for an Edward weep, so do not they. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from William Shakespeare's play "Richard III," Act II scene 2. Source Pappas 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Elizabethan/Early Modern English Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Positive anymore Example He used to take naps on the couch, but he sprawls out in the new lounge chair anymore. (Ohio, Southeastern Michigan, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Iowa, Southern Minnesota, Eastern Kansas, Eastern Nebraska, South Dakota-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Murray 1993 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 40.621, -89.316 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Positive anymore Example In college basketball anymore, any team seems… (Ohio, Southeastern Michigan, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Iowa, Southern Minnesota, Eastern Kansas, Eastern Nebraska, South Dakota-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Murray 1993 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 40.629, -89.362 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Positive anymore Example Pantyhose are so expensive anymore that… (Ohio, Southeastern Michigan, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Iowa, Southern Minnesota, Eastern Kansas, Eastern Nebraska, South Dakota-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Murray 1993 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 37.924, -91.84 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Positive anymore Example A. Does the heat really get to you? B. Huh! Anymore it sure does. (Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, Missouri, Eastern Kansas, Eastern Nebraska-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Murray 1993 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 41.341, -97.546 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Positive anymore Example A. Do you –––––? B. Anymore I do. (Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, Missouri, Eastern Kansas, Eastern Nebraska-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Murray 1993 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 37.967, -91.810 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Positive anymore Example The only thing anymore about politicians is they're all crooked. (Ohio, Central Michigan, Indiana, Illinois, Southern Wisconsin, Missouri, Iowa, Southern Minnesota, Southwestern North Dakota, South Dakota, Eastern Kansas, Eastern Nebraska-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Murray 1993 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 37.951, -91.823 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Positive anymore Example Well, anymore people just don't save their money like they used to. (Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, Missouri, Eastern Nebraska, Eastern Kansas, Southwestern South Dakota-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Murray 1993 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 40.693, -89.330 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Positive anymore Example Anymore those things are completely useless. (Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, Missouri, Eastern Nebraska, Eastern Kansas-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Murray 1993 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 40.656, -89.393 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Positive anymore Example Anymore do you ever go to church, or have you turned into a heathen? (Ohio, Indiana, Southern Illinois, Iowa, Missouri, Eastern Nebraska, Eastern Kansas-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Murray 1993 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 41.340, -97.545 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Positive anymore Example Do you ever wonder anymore about things like life after death? (Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, Wisconsin, Illinois, Minnesota, Iowa, Missouri, North Dakota, South Dakota, Eastern Nebraska, Eastern Kansas-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Murray 1993 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 40.426, -82.915 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Positive anymore Example I wonder whether you could get a part to fit that anymore? (Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, Wisconsin, Illinois, Minnesota, Iowa, Missouri, North Dakota, South Dakota, Eastern Nebraska, Eastern Kansas-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Murray 1993 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 40.452, -82.911 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Positive anymore Example What's the worst thing anymore about your job? (Ohio, Southeastern Michigan, Indiana, Southern Wisconsin, Illinois, Southeastern Minnesota, Iowa, Missouri, South Dakota, Eastern Nebraska, Eastern Kansas-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Murray 1993 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 40.293, -86.182 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Positive anymore Example Is it the same anymore as it used to be? (Ohio, Southeastern Michigan, Indiana, Southern Wisconsin, Illinois, Southeastern Minnesota, Iowa, Missouri, South Dakota, Eastern Nebraska, Eastern Kansas-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Murray 1993 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 37.971, -91.853 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Positive anymore Example A. Do you eat red meat? B. Anymore. (Ohio, Southern Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, Missouri, Eastern Nebraska, Eastern Kansas-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Murray 1993 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 38.595, -96.281 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Multiple modals Example You might could go to the church and pray a little, but you -- that still might don't help you. (New York City, New York-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Labov et al. 1968 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 40.739, -73.9486 Ethnicity: Gender: Male Age: 13
Multiple modals Example I mean--I ain't seen they wardrobel but if they gon' walk around the street with holes in they pants, they must don't have too much in they wardrobe; right? (New York City, New York-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Labov et al. 1968 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 40.711, -73.988 Ethnicity: Gender: Male Age: 17	Multiple modals Example We might can go up there next Saturday. (Lamesa, Texas-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 32.767, -101.77 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Multiple modals Example I may could at Finger's. (Eastern Texas-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed to GrW by C. Weir. Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 32.364, -99.997 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Multiple modals Example You know, if you drank a half a drink, you might oughta go home and sleep it off. (Utah-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to RF. Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 39.39, -111.71 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Multiple modals Example This thing here I might should turn over to Ann. (Utah-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to HM. Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 39.350, -111.87 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Multiple modals Example How is it no one might not would notice that but Anne? (Utah-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed to DW by A. Royal. Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 39.32, -111.67 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Multiple modals Example Well, once we get under way, it shouldn't oughta take us very long. (San Antonio, Texas-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to SR. Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 29.443, -98.414 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Multiple modals Example You might still could keep the cuff [the way it is] and have French cuffs [on the blouse]. (Austin, Texas-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 30.213, -97.786 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age:
Multiple modals Example You might could keep the cuffs... (Austin, Texas-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 30.24, -97.799 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age:	Multiple modals Example Bill might could tell when he was teasing. (-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Multiple modals Example #Yesterday he asked if he might could write on the walls. (-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Multiple modals Example *?There might could be water in that old well. (-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Multiple modals Example ?We might should've invited Jim. (-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Multiple modals Example ?I might should turn this thing over to Ann. (-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Multiple modals Example *?He might should be home by now. (-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Multiple modals Example We might oughta invite my cousin Jim. (-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Multiple modals Example ?You might not oughta call him. (-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Multiple modals Example ?You might ought not call him. (-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Multiple modals Example ?You might oughtn't call him. (-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Multiple modals Example *?The pie might oughta be done by five [o'clock]. (-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Multiple modals Example ?I might would've done it if he'd've told me to. (-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Multiple modals Example *?I asked him if he might would have it ready by one o'clock. (-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Multiple modals Example *?On Sundays we might would drive out and visit my grandparents. (-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Multiple modals Example I thought maybe I better put it [hearing aid] on (or) I might not could understand you, so [rising intonation]. (Rusk County, Texas-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 32.1549, -94.8086 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age:
Multiple modals Example He said I might could call purchasing [department] and order it through someone else. (Utah-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 39.37, -111.62 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Multiple modals Example I've seen ones that might possibly could be flowers but I haven't seen any yet [that are flowers]. (-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Multiple modals Example She still might don't like it. (-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Labov et al. 1968 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: African American Gender: Age:	Multiple modals Example *She still might don't like it. (Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 32.171, -99.7100 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Multiple modals Example I might could charge it at Sears. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that some speakers prefer that modals agree in tense, as contrasted with the marginal "?I may could charge it at Sears." Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Multiple modals Example ?I may could charge it at Sears. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that some speakers prefer that modals agree in tense, as contrasted with the generally acceptable "I might could charge it at Sears." Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Multiple modals Example We might not could come. (Dawson County, Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that some speakers prefer that modals agree in tense, as contrasted with the marginal "?We might not can come." Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 32.7422, -101.996 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age:	Multiple modals Example *We might not can come. (Dawson County, Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that some speakers prefer that modals agree in tense, as contrasted with the generally acceptable "We might not could come." Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 32.747, -101.959 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age:
Multiple modals Example We may not can come. (Dawson County, Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that some speakers prefer that modals agree in tense, as contrasted with the marginal "?We might not can come." Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 32.7493, -101.91 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age:	Multiple modals Example *We might couldn't come. (Rusk County, Texas-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 32.1534, -94.8074 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age:
Multiple modals Example *John may has been there. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that in multiple modals, the modal selects for the stem form of the verbs or aspect markers that come after it. No grammatical contrasting example is provided. Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Multiple modals Example *John might is a carpenter. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that in multiple modals, the modal selects for the stem form of the verbs or aspect markers that come after it. No grammatical contrasting example is provided. Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Multiple modals Example I might could sublegally get it for you. (Utah-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 32.718, -101.42 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Multiple modals Example I might just couldn't see it. (-) Comments: Example reported by D. and S. Velleman. Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Multiple modals Example If we had known, we may still could have done it. (-) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Bum Phillips. Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Multiple modals Example Heather, could you might find you a seat somewhere? (Texas-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 32.199, -99.715 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Multiple modals Example Would you might wanna wait til the 8 o'clock flight when it's cheaper? (Texas-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Example reported by D. Lee. Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 32.171, -99.737 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Multiple modals Example Might should we have invited Jim? (-) Comments: Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Multiple modals Example Might we oughta invited Jim? (-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Multiple modals Example Would we might invited Jim? (-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Multiple modals Example I was afraid you might couldn't find it [this address]. (Rusk County, Texas-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 32.1547, -94.8020 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Multiple modals Example The mother might should not put a blanket over her baby. (-) Comments: Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Multiple modals Example He might not COULDn't refuse. (-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to L. Lester. Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Multiple modals Example He mighta should've gotten home by now. (West Texas-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 31.9134, -102.20 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age: 63
Multiple modals Example You might can see the pipes of the heater. (Utah-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to MM. Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 32.723, -101.55 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Multiple modals Example You might could split it between. (Utah-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to CS. Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 32.777, -101.0 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Multiple modals Example I might could go down to the little town where I was born. (Utah-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to SD. Source Di Paolo 1989 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 32.799, -101.20 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Multiple modals Example He might can do it if he tried. (-) Comments: Source Brown 1991 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Multiple modals Example ye schall can lyve lyke a jentylman. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example cited by the author from Paston Letters, #292, p. 486. Source van Gelderen 2003 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Multiple modals Example She still might don't even like the thing. (-) Comments: Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Multiple modals Example ?You might could may go. (-Judgment-based) Comments: Meaning: someone is speculating that someone else might give you permission to go. This example is attributed by the author to Teresa Wells, who says that the example is "vaguely possible." Source van Gelderen 2003 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Multiple modals Example I might shouldn't oughta. (-) Comments: Source Boertien 1986 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Multiple modals Example He might no could have done it. (-) Comments: Source Brown 1991 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Scottish Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Multiple modals Example I think that we should have ought've done that yesterday. (-) Comments: Source Boertien 1986 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Positive anymore Example Most of the work anymore is done by power. (North Carolina-) Comments: Source DARE: "anymore" Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 36.124, -79.038 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Positive anymore Example Of course, we have two or three coal mines around this part of the country anymore. (Illinois-) Comments: Source DARE: "anymore" Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 40.620, -89.434 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Positive anymore Example That's the way I got it figured anymore. (California-) Comments: Source DARE: "anymore" Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 36.763, -119.81 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Positive anymore Example We put up quite a bit of hay here anymore. (Florida-) Comments: Source DARE: "anymore" Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 27.620, -81.518 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Positive anymore Example He's hard of hearing anymore. (Tennessee-) Comments: Source DARE: "anymore" Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 35.528, -86.562 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Positive anymore Example We use a gas stove anymore. (Northeastern Oklahoma-) Comments: Source DARE: "anymore" Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 36.3134, -95.6429 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Positive anymore Example My aunt makes hats all the time anymore (Northeastern Oklahoma-) Comments: Source DARE: "anymore" Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 36.313, -95.6481 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Positive anymore Example Anymore we aren't following terms as precisely as we used to. (Madison, Wisconsin-) Comments: Technically not "Positive anymore," but preposed anymore. Source DARE: "anymore" Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 43.0739, -89.4041 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Positive anymore Example People used to walk a lot, but everybody drives a car anymore now. (Texas-) Comments: Source DARE: "anymore" Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 31.950, -99.937 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Positive anymore Example People used to walk a lot, but everybody drives a car anymores. (Illinois-) Comments: Source DARE: "anymore" Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 40.648, -89.371 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Positive anymore Example We all use night-crawlers anymore. (Iowa-) Comments: Source DARE: "anymore" Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 41.857, -93.032 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Positive anymore Example I meet so many people anymore. (North Carolina-) Comments: Source DARE: "anymore" Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 35.766, -79.062 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Positive anymore Example Anymore it's the living room. (Pennsylvania-) Comments: Source DARE: "anymore" Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 41.251, -77.115 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Positive anymore Example There's just only this one any more. (New York City, New York-Occurrence in media) Comments: Attributed to McClure's Mag. Dec. 215/1 Source OED Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 40.7179, -74.0051 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Positive anymore Example Any more, the difference between a white collar worker and a blue collar worker is simply a matter of shirt preference. (Madison, Wisconsin-Occurrence in media) Comments: Attributed to Capital Times, 14 Mar. 2/1 Source OED Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 43.0798, -89.4027 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Positive anymore Example Everything we do anymore seems to have to be done in a big hurry. (Kingston, Ontario-Occurrence in media) Comments: Attributed to Whig-Standard, 20 Nov. 1/3 Source OED Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 44.2638, -76.5040 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Positive anymore Example I want to know who sells those anymore. (Southeastern Pennsylvania-Judgment-based) Comments: According to author, 36% of speakers claim they use this construction, while 80% comprehend it. Source Shields 1997 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 40.11, -75.992 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Positive anymore Example Where can you buy those anymore? (Southeastern Pennsylvania-Judgment-based) Comments: According to author, 42% of speakers claim they use this construction, while 89% comprehend it. Source Shields 1997 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 40.151, -75.961 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Positive anymore Example Those are worthless anymore. (Southeastern Pennsylvania-Judgment-based) Comments: According to author, 33% of speakers claim they use this construction, while 80% comprehend it. Source Shields 1997 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 40.11, -75.994 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Positive anymore Example Anymore those are worthless. (Southeastern Pennsylvania-Judgment-based) Comments: According to author, 21% of speakers claim they use this construction, while 75% comprehend it. Source Shields 1997 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 40.16, -75.962 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Positive anymore Example Anymore,it seems the person or corporation with the most aggressive tax lawyer benefits the most. (Columbia, Missouri-Judgment-based) Comments: Attributed by author to an Editorial in "Columbia Missourian Weekly," 24 April 1985, 2A Source Youmans 1986 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 38.946, -92.322 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Positive anymore Example ?Anymore I don't cry much. (Missouri-Judgment-based) Comments: Preposed "Negative Anymore"; 14% of speakers "could use" this, but 85% "would never use" this. The participants in this survey where university students in Missouri; 62% of whom "had lived all or most of their lives in Missouri," while the rest were scattered about from different states. Source Youmans 1986 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 37.912, -91.829 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Positive anymore Example ?Anymore do they sell those? (Missouri-Judgment-based) Comments: Yes/no question, preposed "anymore"; 5% of speakers "could use" this, but 94% "would never use" this. The participants in this survey where university students in Missouri; 62% of whom "had lived all or most of their lives in Missouri," while the rest were scattered about from different states. Source Youmans 1986 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 37.948, -91.886 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Positive anymore Example ?I wonder if anymore they show those? (Missouri-Judgment-based) Comments: "Hypothetical clause"; 4% of speakers "could use" this, but 96% "would never use" this. The participants in this survey where university students in Missouri; 62% of whom "had lived all or most of their lives in Missouri," while the rest were scattered about from different states. Source Youmans 1986 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 37.98, -91.826 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Positive anymore Example ?I want to know who sells those anymore. (Missouri-Judgment-based) Comments: 41% of speakers "could use" this, and 59% "would never use" this. The participants in this survey where university students in Missouri; 62% of whom "had lived all or most of their lives in Missouri," while the rest were scattered about from different states. Source Youmans 1986 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 37.964, -91.83 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Positive anymore Example ?Where can you buy those anymore? (Missouri-Judgment-based) Comments: 56% of speakers "could use" this, and 44% "would never use" this. The participants in this survey where university students in Missouri; 62% of whom "had lived all or most of their lives in Missouri," while the rest were scattered about from different states. Source Youmans 1986 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 37.961, -91.875 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Positive anymore Example ?Those are worthless anymore. (Missouri-Judgment-based) Comments: 48% of speakers "could use" this, and 52% "would never use" this. The participants in this survey where university students in Missouri; 62% of whom "had lived all or most of their lives in Missouri," while the rest were scattered about from different states. Source Youmans 1986 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 37.927, -91.816 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Positive anymore Example ?Anymore those are worthless. (Missouri-Judgment-based) Comments: Preposed "Positive anymore"; 40% of speakers "could use" this, and 60% "would never use" this. The participants in this survey where university students in Missouri; 62% of whom "had lived all or most of their lives in Missouri," while the rest were scattered about from different states. Source Youmans 1986 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 37.953, -91.830 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Positive anymore Example John smokes anymore. (Pennsylvania-Judgment-based) Comments: Meaning: "It is true that John smokes during a period of time including the present and extending indefinitely into the future, and it is true that John did not smoke during a period of time prior to the present." Source Punske & Barss 2010 Speaker information (if any) Variety: "Pennsylvanian" Specific locale: 41.153, -77.312 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Positive anymore Example Everyone smokes anymore. (Pennsylvania-Judgment-based) Comments: Meaning: "It is true that everyone smokes during a period of time including the present and extending indefinitely into the future, and it is true that everyone did not smoke during a period of time prior to the present." Source Punske & Barss 2010 Speaker information (if any) Variety: "Pennsylvanian" Specific locale: 41.165, -77.317 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Positive anymore Example Many people smoke anymore around here. (Pennsylvania-Judgment-based) Comments: Meaning: "It is true that many people smoke during a period of time including the present and extending indefinitely into the future, and it is true that many people did not smoke during a period of time prior to the present." Source Punske & Barss 2010 Speaker information (if any) Variety: "Pennsylvanian" Specific locale: 41.181, -77.359 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Positive anymore Example Anymore, John smokes. (Pennsylvania-Judgment-based) Comments: Meaning: "It is true that John smokes during a period of time including the present and extending indefinitely into the future, and it is true that John did not smoke during a period of time prior to the present." Source Punske & Barss 2010 Speaker information (if any) Variety: "Pennsylvanian" Specific locale: 41.171, -77.323 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Positive anymore Example *John smokes anymore. (Tucson, Arizona-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Punske & Barss 2010 Speaker information (if any) Variety: "Western" Specific locale: 32.263, -110.81 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Positive anymore Example John smokes a lot anymore. (Tucson, Arizona-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Punske & Barss 2010 Speaker information (if any) Variety: "Western" Specific locale: 32.259, -110.5 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Positive anymore Example *John smokes anymore, and a lot! (Tucson, Arizona-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Punske & Barss 2010 Speaker information (if any) Variety: "Western" Specific locale: 32.213, -110.89 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Positive anymore Example Men wear hats anymore. (Tucson, Arizona-Judgment-based) Comments: It is only the generic (and not the existential) reading of a bare plural licenses 'anymore.' Meaning: "All men wear hats, and they did not use to do so previously." Source Punske & Barss 2010 Speaker information (if any) Variety: "Western" Specific locale: 32.249, -110.68 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Positive anymore Example Men are wearing hats anymore. (Tucson, Arizona-Judgment-based) Comments: It is only the generic (and not the existential) reading of a bare plural licenses 'anymore.' Meaning: "All men are now wearing hats, and they did not use to do so previously." Source Punske & Barss 2010 Speaker information (if any) Variety: "Western" Specific locale: 32.230, -110.77 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Positive anymore Example Some men are wearing hats anymore. (Tucson, Arizona-Judgment-based) Comments: An explicit existential permits 'anymore.' Meaning: "There are some men who now wear hats; there were no such men previously" but not "There are some men X, where, X are now hat-wearers, but previously X were not hat-wearers." Source Punske & Barss 2010 Speaker information (if any) Variety: "Western" Specific locale: 32.219, -110.29 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Positive anymore Example There are a lot of places to eat anymore. (Tucson, Arizona-Judgment-based) Comments: The example shows that 'anymore' can appear in upward entailing contexts. Source Punske & Barss 2010 Speaker information (if any) Variety: "Western" Specific locale: 32.258, -110.41 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Positive anymore Example I can eat everything anymore. (Tucson, Arizona-Judgment-based) Comments: The example shows that 'anymore' can appear in upward entailing contexts. Source Punske & Barss 2010 Speaker information (if any) Variety: "Western" Specific locale: 32.274, -110.38 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Positive anymore Example *John eats chicken anymore. (Tucson, Arizona-Judgment-based) Comments: The example shows that 'anymore' cannot appear in downward entailing contexts. Source Punske & Barss 2010 Speaker information (if any) Variety: "Western" Specific locale: 32.222, -110.79 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Positive anymore Example John doesn't work here anymore. (Tucson, Arizona-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Punske & Barss 2010 Speaker information (if any) Variety: "Western" Specific locale: 32.287, -110.39 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Positive anymore Example *John may work here anymore. (Tucson, Arizona-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Punske & Barss 2010 Speaker information (if any) Variety: "Western" Specific locale: 32.286, -110.14 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Positive anymore Example *John works anymore. (Tucson, Arizona-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Punske & Barss 2010 Speaker information (if any) Variety: "Western" Specific locale: 32.235, -110.41 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Positive anymore Example John works a lot anymore. (Tucson, Arizona-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Punske & Barss 2010 Speaker information (if any) Variety: "Western" Specific locale: 32.271, -110.79 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Negative concord Example When I rose this morning, I didn't have no doubt. (-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: The author explains that the line is from a popular church song, "This Morning When I Rose." Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: African American Gender: Age:
Negative concord Example I sure hope it don't be no leak after they finish. (-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 60's	Negative concord Example If you don't do nothing but farm work, your social security don't be nothing. (-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 60's
Negative concord Example Bruce don't want no teacher telling him nothing about no books. (-) Comments: Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: African American Gender: Age:	Negative concord Example I don't never have no problems. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The author explains that the example is from a national news television interview. Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: African American Gender: Female Age:
Negative concord Example Sometimes it didn't have no chalk, no books, no teacher. (-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 80	Negative concord Example I ain't never seen nobody preach under announcements. (-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 50
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Don't no game last all night long. (-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: African American Gender: Female Age:	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Can't nobody tell you it wasn't meant for you. (-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: African American Gender: Age:
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Don't nothing come to a sleeper but a dream. (-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: African American Gender: Female Age: 60's	Negative concord Example Ain't nothing you can do. (-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: African American Gender: Age:
Negative concord Example It ain't nothing you can do. (-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: African American Gender: Age:	Negative concord Example Shouldn't be nothing happening you don't know about. (-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: African American Gender: Age:
Negative concord Example It shouldn't be nothing happening you don't know about. (-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: African American Gender: Age:	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Don't nobody want to go to the movies. (-) Comments: Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: African American Gender: Age:
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Can't nobody do me like Jesus; can't nobody do me like the Lord. (-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: The author explains that the line is from a popular church song, "Can't nobody do me like Jesus." Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: African American Gender: Age:	Negative concord Example No game don't last all night. (-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: African American Gender: Age:
Negative concord Example Nobody can't tell you it wasn't meant for you. (-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: African American Gender: Age:	Negative concord Example Nothing don't come to a sleeper but a dream. (-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: African American Gender: Age:
Negative concord Example I ain't neber done nothin' to nobody. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from Schneider (1989) "American Earlier Black English," page 192. Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: African American Gender: Age:	Negative concord Example "I got no notion of dees white fokes, no how," returned Aunt Dafney. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from Brown (1853) "Clotel," page 87. Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: African American Gender: Age:
Negative concord Example En dey keep on waitin', but no Brer Fox ain't come. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from Harris (1880) "The Wonderful Tar-Baby Story." Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: African American Gender: Age:	Negative concord Example Brer Fox, he wink his eye slow, en lay low, en de Tar-Baby, she ain't sayin' nothin'. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from Harris (1880) "The Wonderful Tar-Baby Story." Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: African American Gender: Age:
Negative concord Example I done got so now dat I can't eat no chicken ceppin' she's seasoned up wid calamus root. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from Harris (1880) "Uncle Remus Initiates the Little Boy." Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: African American Gender: Age:	Negative concord Example I done laid in some calamus root, en I ain't gwine ter take no skuse. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from Harris (1880) "The Wonderful Tar-Baby Story." Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: African American Gender: Age:
Negative concord Example ... but he ain't seen no dinner... (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from Harris (1880) "Uncle Remus Initiates the Little Boy." Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: African American Gender: Age:	Negative concord Example You ain't got no calamus root, is you, Brer Fox? (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from Harris (1880) "Uncle Remus Initiates the Little Boy." Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: African American Gender: Age:
Negative concord Example En Brer Fox ain't never cotch 'im yet, en w'at's mo', honey, he ain't gwine ter. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from Harris (1880) "Uncle Remus Initiates the Little Boy." Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: African American Gender: Age:	Negative concord Example No, honey, there's be'n nobody to read 'em excep' Rena, an' she don't take to books quite like you did. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from Chestnutt (1990) "The House Behind the Cedars." Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: African American Gender: Age:
Split subjects, Negative concord Example Dey don' nobody know whar, suh. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from Chestnutt (1990) "The House Behind the Cedars." Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: African American Gender: Age:	Negative concord Example Dey don't own nobody no mo'. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from Hurston (1934) "Jonah's Gourd Vine." Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: African American Gender: Age:
Negative concord Example Ack lak 'tain't nobody got feelings but you. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from Hurston (1934) "Jonah's Gourd Vine." Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: African American Gender: Age:	Negative concord Example Don't come puttin' up no po' mouf tuh me, Lucy. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from Hurston (1934) "Jonah's Gourd Vine." Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: African American Gender: Age:
Negative concord Example ... de onliest one up dere dat don't wrop her hair no time wid all dat cord-string lak de rest. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from Hurston (1934) "Jonah's Gourd Vine." Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: African American Gender: Age:	Negative concord Example ... I would not worry about no job. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from Hughes' "Springtime" story; a story from the "Best of Simple" stories written in the 1950's. Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Negative concord Example Man you know womenfolks can't keep no secret! (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from Hughes' "Springtime" story; a story from the "Best of Simple" stories written in the 1950's. Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Negative concord Example Aunt Lucy, you ain't gonna have to whip me no more. I ain't gonna give you no cause. I do not mind to be beat. But I do not never want to see you cry no more. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from Hughes' "Springtime" story; a story from the "Best of Simple" stories written in the 1950's. Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Then who will walk your dog for you? Don't none of your other roomers do it. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from Hughes' "What Can a Man Say?" story; a story from the "Best of Simple" stories written in the 1950's. Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Negative concord Example Aunt Lucy, you ain't gonna whip me no more. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from Hughes' "Last Whipping" story; a story from the "Best of Simple" stories written in the 1950's. Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example But don' nothin' happen and I knows then that somethin' worse than anything I ever heard 'bout is in store for me. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from Ellison's (1952) "Invisible Man." Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Won't nothing surprise me... (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from Ellison's (1952) "Invisible Man." Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Negative concord Example He's the kind caint nobody please. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from Ellison's (1952) "Invisible Man." Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Negative concord Example He ain't been to no doctor in ten years. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from Ellison's (1952) "Invisible Man." Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Negative concord Example Now you ain't never been to no Chicago, gal... (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from Ellison's (1952) "Invisible Man." Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Negative concord Example "We don't take no handout," Mama says. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from Gaines' "The Sky is Gray" story; a story from "Bloodline" published in 1968. Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Negative concord Example A new day's starting and nobody don't like it. Nobody won't want to be here. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from Wideman's (1984) "Brothers and Keepers." Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Negative concord Example My dream's coming true. Ain't nothing in the way. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from Wideman's (1984) "Brothers and Keepers." Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Negative concord Example Them kids loved me. I could get them to do things nobody else could. This one named Timmy. Ain't nobody ever heard him say a word. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from Wideman's (1984) "Brothers and Keepers." Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Negative concord Example ... I'm not liking nothing that's going down. My boys is gone, my piece gone, and I got this fat wad of dough in my back pocket. Now, somebody I ain't never seen in my life is whistling and waving me over to a place I ain't never been and it's black... (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from Wideman's (1984) "Brothers and Keepers." Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Negative concord Example No way nobody get me inside. Almost died sitting outside so ain't no way in hell Ima strut up inside no police station. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from Wideman's (1984) "Brothers and Keepers." Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Negative concord Example I eye all the women. I don't miss nothing. Don't never let nobody tell you Troy Maxon don't eye the women. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from Wilson's (1986) "Fences." Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Negative concord Example Ain't no brothers on the wall? (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from Spike Lee's (1989) film "Do the Right Thing." Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Negative concord Example Don't call me no bum. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from Spike Lee's (1989) film "Do the Right Thing." Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Negative concord Example Jade don't come here no more, all right? (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from Spike Lee's (1989) film "Do the Right Thing." Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Negative concord Example Don't call me nothing. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from Spike Lee's (1989) film "Do the Right Thing." Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Negative concord Example Ain't nothing natural bout no monogamy. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from Malcolm Lee's (1999) film "The Best Man." Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Negative concord Example Ain't nothin' gonna be protection enough around here anymore. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from the film "Fresh" (1994). Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Negative concord Example I don't want nobody be touchin' this board. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from the film "Fresh" (1994). Source Green 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I got me some sandwiches. (-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Conroy 2007 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English, Southern American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I bought me some sunglasses. (-) Comments: Source Conroy 2007 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I got me some candy. (-) Comments: Source Webelhuth & Dannenberg 2006 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example We got us some candy. (-) Comments: Source Webelhuth & Dannenberg 2006 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example You got you some candy. (-) Comments: Source Webelhuth & Dannenberg 2006 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example He got him some candy. (-) Comments: Source Webelhuth & Dannenberg 2006 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example They got them some candy. (-) Comments: Source Webelhuth & Dannenberg 2006 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example She went into the store to get her a pair of shoes. (-) Comments: Source Webelhuth & Dannenberg 2006 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I shot me a pheasant. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.518, -80.557 Ethnicity: Gender: Male Age: 13
Personal dative Example I finally did buy me a coffee pot. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.582, -80.540 Ethnicity: Gender: Male Age: 67	Personal dative Example *We could see us in the mirror. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that Appalachian English has reflexives as well, implying that the accusative pronoun in personal datives somehow does not violate Condition A. Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.415, -81.125 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I'm gonna to write me a letter to the president. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Judgment-based) Comments: The example is attributed by the author to Richard Smaby (p.c.). Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.544, -80.523 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example *I'm gonna write myself a letter to the president. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that Appalachian English has reflexives as well, implying that the accusative pronoun in personal datives somehow does not violate Condition A. Personal dative has its own distribution. The example is attributed by the author to Richard Smaby (p.c.). Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.544, -80.547 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example *The dog dug it up a bone. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example shows that the dative must be a non-it pronoun. Contrast this with the acceptable "The dog dug him up a bone" where "dog" and "him" are co-indexed. Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.5100, -80.590 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example The dog dug him up a bone. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example shows that the dative must be a non-it pronoun. Contrast this with the unacceptable "*The dog dug it up a bone" where "dog" and "it" are co-indexed. Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.595, -80.589 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I only need to sell me a dozen more toothbrushes. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.445, -81.199 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example #I only need to sell myself a dozen more toothbrushes. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-) Comments: The author uses this example to show that the personal dative does not permit reflexives. Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.445, -81.122 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I whittled me a stick. (-) Comments: Possible reading: The stick went to me (i.e. transfer of possession). Source Conroy 2007 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I whittled Bob a stick. (-) Comments: Possible reading: The stick went to Bob (i.e. transfer of possession). Source Conroy 2007 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I bought me a pair of shoes, and Nell did too. (-) Comments: Possible reading: Nell bought herself a pair. Source Conroy 2007 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example He went to the store to buy him a present for his friend. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Judgment-based) Comments: Possible reading: the buyer is the benefactor, the friend is the possessor. The Personal dative does not require transfer of possession. Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.563, -80.523 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I bought me a coat for my friend. (-) Comments: Source Conroy 2007 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I bought me a soda. (-) Comments: Source Conroy 2007 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I bought me a shirt. (-) Comments: Source Conroy 2007 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example She ate her some lunch. (-) Comments: Source Wolfram & Schilling-Estes 1998 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example *She ate herself some lunch. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that the personal dative does not permit reflexives. Source Conroy 2007 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I need me a gun. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Source Conroy 2007 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I need myself a gun. (-) Comments: Source Conroy 2007 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example *I'm gonna sleep me. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that the personal dative can only be used in active transitive constructions. Source Conroy 2007 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example *Mary tried her to win. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that the personal dative can only be used in active transitive constructions. Source Fodor 1992 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example We had us a cabin. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.417, -81.199 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example She wanted her some liver pudding. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.495, -81.195 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age: 64	A-prefixing Example and John boy, he come a-runnin' out there and got shot. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.589, -80.592 Ethnicity: Gender: Male Age: 14
A-prefixing Example It was a dreadful sight, fire was a-flamin' everything. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.568, -80.573 Ethnicity: Gender: Male Age: 16	A-prefixing Example He just kept a-beggin' and a-cryin' and a-wantin' to go out. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.532, -80.540 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age: 93
A-prefixing Example to go a-fishing (-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Krapp 1925 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	A-prefixing Example bye baby bunting, daddy's gone a-hunting. (-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Krapp 1925 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
A-prefixing Example I knew he was a-tellin' the truth but still I was a-comin' home. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.431, -81.154 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age: 93	A-prefixing Example My cousin had a little brown pony and we was a-ridin' it one day. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.563, -80.562 Ethnicity: Gender: Male Age: 11
A-prefixing Example Well, she's a-gettin' the black lung now, ain't she? (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.460, -81.165 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age: 93	A-prefixing Example ... and he says, "Who's a-stompin' on my bridge?" (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.554, -80.539 Ethnicity: Gender: Male Age: 12
A-prefixing Example This man'd catch 'em behind the neck and they'd be a-rattlin'. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.469, -81.154 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age: 42	A-prefixing Example He'll forget to spit and he'll cut and it'll just be a-runnin', a-drippin' off his chin when he gets to catch them. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.424, -81.136 Ethnicity: Gender: Male Age: 52
A-prefixing Example ... and then I took off a-ridin' on the minibike. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.555, -80.569 Ethnicity: Gender: Male Age: 13	Negative concord, A-prefixing Example ... they wasn't in there no more and I went down there a-huntin' for 'em. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.439, -81.140 Ethnicity: Gender: Male Age: 14
A-prefixing Example He just kep' a-beggin' and a-cryin' and a-wantin' to go out. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.513, -80.563 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age: 93	A-prefixing Example Then send the rope back down, just keep a-pullin' it up 'till we got it built. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.493, -81.161 Ethnicity: Gender: Male Age: 11
A-prefixing Example You just look at him and he starts a-bustin' out laughing at you. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.558, -80.518 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age: 9	A-prefixing Example ... and we'd get plowed, and he'd get to laughing and a-gigglin'. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.517, -80.579 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age: 78
A-prefixing Example ... you was pretty weak by the tenth day, a-layin' in there in bed. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.528, -80.516 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age: 45	A-prefixing Example ... one night my sister, she woke up a-screamin' -- cryin', hollerin', and so we jumped up. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.576, -80.572 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age: 20
A-prefixing Example ... say Chuck would come by and want to spend a hour a-talkin', I always figure I'm not too busy to stop. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.431, -81.156 Ethnicity: Gender: Male Age: 50	A-prefixing Example ... course a lotta times you can't, and grow up a-huntin' with them instead of hunting for them. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.542, -80.53 Ethnicity: Gender: Male Age: 67
A-prefixing Example I went a-deer-huntin' twice last year. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.430, -81.183 Ethnicity: Gender: Male Age: 67	A-prefixing Example I told her I was goin' a-pheasant huntin'. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.584, -80.529 Ethnicity: Gender: Male Age: 67
A-prefixing Example We was goin' up there a-squirrel huntin'. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.461, -81.161 Ethnicity: Gender: Male Age: 20	A-prefixing Example *He watched their a-shootin'. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that a gerundival nominal form of a verb cannot occur with a-prefixing. Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.581, -80.546 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
A-prefixing Example *A-sailin' is fun. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that a gerundival nominal form of a verb cannot occur with a-prefixing. Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.583, -80.592 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	A-prefixing Example *The movie was a-shockin'. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that a gerundival adjective cannot occur with a-prefixing. Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.480, -81.119 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
A-prefixing Example *Those a-screamin' children didn't bother me. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that a gerundival adjective cannot occur with a-prefixing. Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.492, -81.148 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	A-prefixing Example *John hit his dog for a-breakin' the dish. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that a gerundival nominal form of a verb cannot occur with a-prefixing. Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.476, -81.178 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
A-prefixing Example *He got sick from a-workin' so hard. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that a gerundival nominal form of a verb cannot occur with a-prefixing. Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.49, -81.179 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	A-prefixing Example *He was a-discoverin' a bear in the woods. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that a-prefixing does not occur with a verb that begins with an unstressed syllable. Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.538, -80.573 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
A-prefixing Example *He was a-retirin' to his cage. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that a-prefixing does not occur with a verb that begins with an unstressed syllable. Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.421, -81.18 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	A-prefixing Example *He was a-eatin' the food. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that a-prefixing does not occur with a verb that begins with a vowel. Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.514, -80.54 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
A-prefixing Example *He was a-askin' a question. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that a-prefixing does not occur with a verb that begins with a vowel. Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.415, -81.144 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	A-prefixing Example ... they'll be all bushed up a-struttin' and a-draggin'. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.555, -80.582 Ethnicity: Gender: Male Age: 52
A-prefixing Example He just keep a-beggin' and a-cryin' and a-wantin' to go out. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.447, -81.191 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age: 93	Personal dative, A-prefixing Example ... just keep a-rockin' and a-rollin', rock the car and you can finally rock you a way to get out. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.480, -81.16 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age: 72
A-prefixing Example *I heared her a-barkin', and barkin' and barkin'. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that in a sequence of gerundival verbs, a-prefixing does not occur at the beginning of the sequence. This is contrasted with the acceptable "I heared her barking, and a-barking' and a-barkin'." Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.422, -81.147 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	A-prefixing Example I heared her barking, and a-barkin' and a-barkin'. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that in a sequence of gerundival verbs, a-prefixing does not occur at the beginning of the sequence. This is contrasted with the ungrammatical "*I heared her a-barking, and barking' and barkin'." Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.451, -81.175 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
A-prefixing Example He's a-workin'. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-) Comments: It is suggested in the example that the subject has a steady job or is away working. Source Stewart 1967 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.50, -80.577 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	A-prefixing Example I's a-washin' one day and to go under the door I had to go under that spider. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.552, -80.575 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age: 42
A-prefixing Example I's a-cannin' chicken one time... (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.559, -80.50 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age: 83	A-prefixing Example ... all of a sudden, a boar come a-runnin' towards him and he shot it between the eys. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.497, -81.187 Ethnicity: Gender: Male Age: 14
A-prefixing Example Count to about 10 or 15 so we can see if this machine's a-workin'. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.49, -81.15 Ethnicity: Gender: Male Age: 12	A-prefixing Example I went through a house that's supposed to be a-haunted spooky. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.566, -80.57 Ethnicity: Gender: Male Age: 16
A-prefixing Example ...and it just looked like it had a big sheet, just a-wrapped 'round him and no head. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.462, -81.119 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age: 78	A-prefixing Example I held one leg and Lilly had the head, a-holdin' it a-stretched out. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.441, -81.15 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age: 78
A-prefixing Example You'd lose your power the next day. After midnight, the days a-gone; it's a new day then. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.455, -81.132 Ethnicity: Gender: Male Age: 11	A-prefixing Example That's probably what's a-wrong. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.457, -81.172 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age: 11
A-prefixing Example I said, "Turn 'em a-loose!" (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.473, -81.147 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age: 11	A-prefixing Example We'd have a stack a-way up high. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.55, -80.520 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age: 78
A-prefixing Example I can make a-many of them. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.536, -80.543 Ethnicity: Gender: Male Age: 14	A-prefixing Example ... and if she was a-jealous, a-jealous of me, she would want to see where they was coming. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.442, -81.135 Ethnicity: Gender: Male Age: 50
Positive anymore Example She's more northern than she is southern anymore. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.537, -80.566 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age: 18	Positive anymore Example I mean things are getting worser anymore 'n what they used to be. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.41, -81.180 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Positive anymore Example Even in the small towns anymore it's getting like that. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.446, -81.153 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age: 17	Positive anymore Example Anymore, all the guys you get ahold of just don't think that way. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.519, -80.519 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age: 17
Positive anymore Example What is it anymore, people have wrote so much music, it's difficult to find a tune that hadn't been written already. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.454, -81.150 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age: 17	Negative concord Example They didn't see no baby, you know, didn't see none nowhere. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.460, -81.134 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age: 45
Negative concord Example There was no man nowhere so vertuous. (England-Occurrence in media) Comments: Source Williams 1975 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Early Middle English Specific locale: 51.821, -0.7662 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Negative concord Example He taketh nothing to hold of no men ne of no womman. (England-Occurrence in media) Comments: Source Williams 1975 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Early Middle English Specific locale: 51.890, -0.7648 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Negative concord Example Ne mon nule don hum no good. (England-Occurrence in media) Comments: Source Williams 1975 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Early Middle English Specific locale: 51.811, -0.7644 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Negative concord Example Nobody didn't see him. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.53, -80.530 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age: 64
Negative concord Example Nobody couldn't handle him. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.524, -80.545 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age: 27	Negative concord Example Nothin' hadn't come up. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.523, -80.572 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age: 22
Negative concord Example Nobody else won't move in it, I know I ain't. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.526, -80.548 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age: 27	Negative concord Example Nobody wouldn't say nothin' about it. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.475, -81.182 Ethnicity: Gender: Male Age: 16
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Didn't nobody get hurt or nothin'. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.575, -80.5100 Ethnicity: Gender: Male Age: 14	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example It had this room that wouldn't nobody stay in. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.537, -80.55 Ethnicity: Gender: Male Age: 15
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Hain't nobody hardly believed it. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.558, -80.552 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age: 78	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Wasn't nothin' but acorns on the groun... and wasn't nobody there. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.422, -81.122 Ethnicity: Gender: Male Age: 60
Negative concord Example They don't have no work in the winter. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.424, -81.177 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age: 22	Negative concord Example I didn't have nothin' to do for these stitches. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.544, -80.54 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age: 27
Negative concord Example I ain't goin' back no more. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.469, -81.166 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age: 27	Personal dative Example I'd go out and cut me a limb off of a tree, get me a good straight one. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.499, -81.131 Ethnicity: Gender: Male Age: 17
Personal dative Example It was about these people moved out on the prairie and they built 'em a house. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.552, -80.575 Ethnicity: Gender: Male Age: 11	Personal dative Example We had us a cabin, built us a log cabin back over there. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.593, -80.563 Ethnicity: Gender: Male Age: 52
Personal dative Example And then you'd get you a bowl of ice water. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.467, -81.115 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age: 56	Personal dative Example Well, I take me a pick and a shovel. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.418, -81.176 Ethnicity: Gender: Male Age: 14
Personal dative Example He done had him a way figured out ot get out. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.532, -80.565 Ethnicity: Gender: Male Age: 52	Personal dative Example ... just put you a little flour in it. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.418, -81.119 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age: 78
Personal dative Example He wanted some straw to build him a house out of. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: The two pronouns are co-referential. Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.519, -80.55 Ethnicity: Gender: Male Age: 11	Personal dative Example I need to find me a place to live for my family. (Mercer and Monroe Counties, West Virginia-) Comments: Source Wolfram & Christian 1976 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Appalachian English Specific locale: 37.597, -80.512 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I got me a pole and got up this drift, laid down my gun, and commenced punching down through where the drift was hollow. (-) Comments: Source Webelhuth & Dannenberg 2006 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Southern vernacular varieties Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I shouldn't a bought me no furniture on time. (-) Comments: Source Webelhuth & Dannenberg 2006 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Southern vernacular varieties Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example She sent her a letter on time. (-) Comments: If the two pronouns are co-referential, there is an underscoring and/or intensification of the agency of the sending. Source Webelhuth & Dannenberg 2006 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Southern vernacular varieties Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I have me a theory of the Southern Double Object Construction. (-) Comments: Source Webelhuth & Dannenberg 2006 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Southern vernacular varieties Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I love me some baked beans. (-) Comments: Source Webelhuth & Dannenberg 2006 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Southern vernacular varieties Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example Fran likes her a day off every now and again. (-) Comments: Source Webelhuth & Dannenberg 2006 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Southern vernacular varieties Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example He bought him a watch and she bought her a bracelet. (-) Comments: In the example, 'he' is co-referential with 'him' and 'she' is co-referential with 'her.' Source Webelhuth & Dannenberg 2006 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Southern vernacular varieties Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example *Him he bought a watch and her she bought a bracelet. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that there is no dative fronting. In the example, 'he' is co-referential with 'him' and 'she' is co-referential with 'her.' Source Webelhuth & Dannenberg 2006 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Southern vernacular varieties Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example Mary would love her some flowers. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that the pronoun has to be co-referential with 'Mary' otherwise the example is unacceptable. Source Webelhuth & Dannenberg 2006 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Southern vernacular varieties Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example *Mary would love her flowers. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The example shows that if Mary and the pronoun are co-referential, the object must have a determiner. Source Webelhuth & Dannenberg 2006 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Southern vernacular varieties Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example Cindy bought her a bracelet. (-) Comments: Source Webelhuth & Dannenberg 2006 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Southern vernacular varieties Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example Fred wants him two bottles of beer. (-) Comments: Source Webelhuth & Dannenberg 2006 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Southern vernacular varieties Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example And now I've married me a pretty little wife... (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is an excerpt from the traditional country and mountain ballad "Rake and Rambling Boy." Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I'm gonna buy me a shotgun, just as long as I am tall. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is an excerpt from the Jimmie Rodger song "T for Texas." Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I'm gonna grab me a freight train. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is an excerpt from various songs. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I'm gonna catch me a freight train. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is an excerpt from various songs. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example When I was a young girl, I had me a cowboy. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is an excerpt from the John Prine song "Angel from Montgmomery." Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I had me a man in summer time. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is an excerpt from the Joni Mitchell song "Urge for going." Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example ... I've only got me one shirt left and it smells of stale perfume. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is an excerpt from the Bob Dylan song "Up to me." Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example Get you a copper kettle, get you a copper coil, ... (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is an excerpt from the traditional ballad "Copper Kettle." Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example ... Raised in the woods so's [so as] he knew every tree, kilt him a b'ar [bear] when he was only three. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is an excerpt from the song "Ballad of Davy Crockett." Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I'm going to have to hire me a detective just to follow you around. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from the Sara Paretsky (1988) novel "Blood Shot," which is set in Chicago. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I wish I could afford me a swimming pool and a Buick and all. I was at Diamond Head thirty-eight years ago, no counting the war, but I sure never got me a retirement deal like that. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from the Sara Paretsky (1992) novel "Guardian Angel," which is set in Chicago. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example We could drop them in the Meer and poison us some fish. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from the Ayelet Waldman (2006) novel "Love and Other Impossible Pursuits," which is set in New York. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example If you attend church just to go through the motions, God'd rather you get you a bottle of bourbon and a whore and go to a hotel and have you a good time. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from the Garrison Keillor (2001) novel "Lake Wobegon Summer 1956," which is set in Minnesota. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example Poachers, hunters---they come by at night, tryin' to pinch 'em some deer meet. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from the CBS drama Cold Case, aired Nov. 28, 2004, which is set in Philadelphia. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I baked me a cake. (-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Green 1974 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example Bill earned him $1000. (-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Green 1974 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example We ought to kill us a male chauvinist (-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Green 1974 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I bought me a new car. (-) Comments: Source Huddleston & Pullum 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example Let's get us a hamburger. (-) Comments: Source Huddleston & Pullum 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I caught me some fish. (-) Comments: It does not mean that the fish has to be specifically for me. Source Huddleston & Pullum 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I seen me a mermaid once. (-) Comments: Source Huddleston & Pullum 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I want me a house by the beach (-) Comments: Source Huddleston & Pullum 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example He bought him a new pick-up. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The minimally different "He bought himself a new pick-up" is also acceptable. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example *He needs himself just a little more sense. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that personal datives do not always have a reflexive counterpart. This example is contrasted with the acceptable "He needs him just a little more sense." Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example What I like is goats. I jus' like to look at me some goats. (-) Comments: Source Sroda & Mishoe 1995 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example We want us a black German police dog cause I had one once. (-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example *She fed her some chitlins. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this examples to show that personal datives are different from applicatives or benefactives, in that the latter must take reflexives. This is in contrast with the acceptable "She fed herself some chitlins." Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example She fed herself some chitlins. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this examples to show that personal datives are different from applicatives or benefactives, in that the latter must take reflexives. This is in contrast with the acceptable "*She fed her some chitlins." Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example *She gave her a big raise. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this examples to show that personal datives are different from applicatives or benefactives, in that the latter must take reflexives. This is in contrast with the acceptable "She gave herself a big raise." Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example She gave herself a big raise. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this examples to show that personal datives are different from applicatives or benefactives, in that the latter must take reflexives. This is in contrast with the acceptable "*She gave herself a big raise." Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example She got her a big raise. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this examples to show that personal datives are different from applicatives or benefactives, in that the latter must take reflexives. This example contains a personal dative. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example *He's gonna buy himself a pick-up for his son. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that personal datives are not compatible with reflexives when there is a preposition-marked indirect object. This is in contrast with the acceptable "He's gonna buy him a pick-up for his son" Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example He's gonna buy him a pick-up for his son. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that personal datives are not compatible with reflexives when there is a preposition-marked indirect object. This is in contrast with the acceptable "He's gonna buy him a pick-up for his son" Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example *He's gonna buy him his son a pick-up. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that personal datives are not compatible with indirect objects that occur before the direct object. This is in contrast with the acceptable "He's gonna buy his son a pick-up" where the personal dative is absent, or "He's gonna buy him a pick-up for his son." Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example He's gonna buy his son a pick-up. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that personal datives are not compatible with indirect objects that occur before the direct object. This is in contrast with the acceptable "He's gonna buy his son a pick-up" where the personal dative is absent, or "He's gonna buy him a pick-up for his son." Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I need me a little more time for myself. (-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example She bought herself and Kim some ice cream. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that personal datives cannot involve conjoined (pro)nouns. This is in contrast with the marginally-acceptable "?She bought her and Kim some ice cream" which is not a personal dative construction since it involves a reflexive. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example ?She bought her and Kim some ice cream. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that personal datives cannot involve conjoined (pro)nouns. This is in contrast with the acceptable "She bought herself and Kim some ice cream" which is not a personal dative construction since it involves a reflexive. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example *Kim would love Kim some flowers. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that personal datives cannot involve proper NP counterparts. This is in contrast with the acceptable "Kim would love her/him some flowers." Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example Kim would love her some flowers. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that personal datives cannot involve proper NP counterparts. This is in contrast with the ungrammatical "*Kim would love Kim some flowers." Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example *I want yours truly some grits. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that personal datives cannot involve proper NP counterparts. This is in contrast with the acceptable "I want me some grits." Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I want me truly some grits. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that personal datives cannot involve proper NP counterparts. This is in contrast with the unacceptable "*I want yours truly some grits." Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I want me an iPod. (-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example He bought him an iPod. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The two pronouns are co-referential. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I love me some him, I'll never love this way again, I love me some you, another man will never do. (-) Comments: Example is from Toni Braxton’s pop song "I Love Me Some Him". The lyrics were written by SoulShock & Karlin, Andrea Martin, and Gloria Stewart. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I love me some me. (-) Comments: Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I just love me some Jude Law. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from a posting on salon.com. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example My husband used to love him some Jack Daniels. (-) Comments: The example is from the movie "Monster's Ball." Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I just love me some cats! (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from hayllar.com/dec00/51200.html Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I love me some plants. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from hayllar.com/dec00/51200.html Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I love me a big man, I purely do. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example contains a generic indefinite object. It is from an online story. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I love me some fat bitches! (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from the movie "How High" (2001). Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I love me some Crocodile Hunter. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is an opener of story in e-column about the TV show/movie Crocodile Hunter (July 22, 2002). Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example Can I get me a hunting license here? (-) Comments: The example is attributed to John Kerry. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example She said she'd married her an architect who kept her warm and safe and dry. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is an excerpt from Dan Fogelberg's song "Same Old Lang Syne" (1980). Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I want me the cash. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example contains a definite object. It is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I want me the notional MacBook nano. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example contains a definite object. It is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I want me the biggest, gaudiest, most heinously pink mostrosity of a cake there is. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example contains a definite object. It is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I want me the Blythe Black BOOTS!!! and the red ones too. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example i want me the 6 with tha trix and a TV in the roof. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is an excerpt from Lil' Bow Wow's song "You know me." Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I want me the new CrackBerry and those super comfy looking Nike shoes. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I want's me the Transformerss Battlin Robots set. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I want me that job. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I want me that baby. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I want me that giant easter basket filled with toys. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I want me that Bulls hat. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I want me that gravity chair. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I want me that purty cowboy over there. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I want me that lovely white coat she wore in that scene [in "The Devil Wears Prada"]. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I need me this coffee mug. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I need me this keyboard. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I need me this book. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I need me this sign. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I need me this here album. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example Yar, I love me chocolate syrup! (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example contains a bare NP objects. It is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I Love's me chocolate, I loves it! (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example contains a bare NP objects. It is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example Mmmm, I love me chocolate cake. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example contains a bare NP objects. It is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I love me chocolate and I love me milk. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example contains a bare NP objects. It is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example GOD LOVES HIS ASS SOME KIDNEYS. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I have a 152 tested IQ and I love my ass some red meat. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example Movies, i love my ass some funny movies. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I should take this time to state how much I LOVE my ass some Magma! (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example i need my ass some ginkgo biloba (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I want my ass some quesadillas (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example *He loves his ass some * (-Occurrence in media) Comments: This example is unattested on the internet. The feminine equivalent, "*She loves her ass some *", is also unattested. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example *He wants his ass some * (-Occurrence in media) Comments: This example is unattested on the internet. The feminine equivalent, "*She wants her ass some *", is also unattested. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example *He needs his ass some * (-Occurrence in media) Comments: This example is unattested on the internet. The feminine equivalent, "*She needs her ass some *", is also unattested. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example *He got his ass some * (-Occurrence in media) Comments: This example is unattested on the internet. The feminine equivalent, "*She got her ass some *", is also unattested. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example Stop reading and get your ass some help. See a podiatrist if you have to. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example Not a man alive (or dead, for that matter) would put up with your whiney ass. Hmm, that explains a lot. Maybe you should get your ass some help instead? (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example Get your ass some therapy or meds or both. What is wrong with your ass? (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example He shot him two squirrels. (-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example #He (got drunk and) shot him two coohounds (by mistake). (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that the personal dative must involve intent on the part of the agent. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example She caught her a catfish. (-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example #She caught her a cold. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that the personal dative must involve intent on the part of the agent. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example #She caught her a case of the clap. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that the personal dative must involve intent on the part of the agent. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I love me some * (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The author uses this to show that personal datives tend to occur with predicates with positive affect. love has 636,000 hits on Google, hate only 516; as of April 1, 2007 Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I hate me some * (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The author uses this to show that personal datives tend to occur with predicates with positive affect. love has 636,000 hits on Google, hate only 516; as of April 1, 2007 Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I just hate me some * (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The author uses this to show that personal datives tend to occur with predicates with positive affect. love has 867 hits on Google, hate has 0; as of April 1, 2007 Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I just love me some * (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The author uses this to show that personal datives tend to occur with predicates with positive affect. love has 867 hits on Google, hate only 0; as of April 1, 2007 Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example She loves her some * (-Occurrence in media) Comments: love has 630 hits on Google, hate only 5; as of April 1, 2007 Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example She hates her some * (-Occurrence in media) Comments: love has 630 hits on Google, hate only 5; as of April 1, 2007 Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I want me some * (-Occurrence in media) Comments: 34900 hits on Google; as of April 1, 2007 Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I saw me some * (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The author uses this to show that personal datives tend to occur with predicates with positive affect. 488000 hits on Google; as of April 1, 2007 (entertainment, fun, goal etc.) Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I found me some * (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The author uses this to show that personal datives tend to occur with predicates with positive affect. 346000 hits on Google; as of April 1, 2007 (inspiration, happiness, friends ...) Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I lost me some * (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The author uses this to show that personal datives tend to occur with predicates with positive affect. 8370 hits on Google; as of April 1, 2007 (mainly of the form "I lost me some weight") Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I'm gonna get my drink on, I'm gonna hear me a sad song (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example is an excerpt from a Toby Keith song (2007). Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I love me some John Cusack. I hate me some Fate and Destiny. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example is extracted by the author from a blog. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I'm gonna eat me some hamburgers. I haven't eaten hamburgers in three years. (-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Example is attributed to Ms. South Carolina at the 2007 Ms. Universe pageant. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age:	Personal dative Example He needs him just a little more sense. (-) Comments: Source Michael Montgomery database Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example That house needs it a new roof. (-) Comments: Source Sroda & Mishoe 1995 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example He rode him around with a head in his trunk for a week. (-) Comments: Source Michael Montgomery database Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example Okay, I don't love me some Adam Sandler, the way I love me some Cadbury Eggs and the way I love me some latex kitchen gloves. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The author uses this example to show that while "I don't V me some X" does not superficially suggest positive affect, it is often used in syntagmatic priming or cancelling double negation. Example is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I love me some M. Night, but I don't love me some Village. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The author uses this example to show that while "I don't V me some X" does not superficially suggest positive affect, it is often used in syntagmatic priming or cancelling double negation. Example is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example Which is not to say I don't love me some Wham! (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The author uses this example to show that while "I don't V me some X" does not superficially suggest positive affect, it is often used in syntagmatic priming or cancelling double negation. Example is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I don't presume to be Chris Sims, but damned if I don't love me some Christmas - the trees, the presents, the music, and the tv specials. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The author uses this example to show that while "I don't V me some X" does not superficially suggest positive affect, it is often used in syntagmatic priming or cancelling double negation. Example is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example At what point do fanatics say to themselves, 'Okay, I know killing is supposed to be all wrong and shit, but dammit if I don't love me some God!'? (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The author uses this example to show that while "I don't V me some X" does not superficially suggest positive affect, it is often used in syntagmatic priming or cancelling double negation. Example is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example Run DMC or something (not that I don't love me some Run DMC, cuz I do) (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The author uses this example to show that while "I don't V me some X" does not superficially suggest positive affect, it is often used in syntagmatic priming or cancelling double negation. Example is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example But that doesn't mean I don't love me some cinnamon twists to dip into my non-organic coffee, or to eat in bed, or the car, or, you know, wherever. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The author uses this example to show that while "I don't V me some X" does not superficially suggest positive affect, it is often used in syntagmatic priming or cancelling double negation. Example is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example Just because I'm not watching Elf repeatedly does not mean I don't love me some Christmas. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The author uses this example to show that while "I don't V me some X" does not superficially suggest positive affect, it is often used in syntagmatic priming or cancelling double negation. Example is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I wants me some medicine but I don’t have me any cash (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The author uses this example to show that while "I don't V me some X" does not superficially suggest positive affect, it is often used in syntagmatic priming or cancelling double negation. Example is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I don’t want me any of those sissy pants girly men that believe you can get good, or better, information out of people with tactics other than threats (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The author uses this example to show that while "I don't V me some X" does not superficially suggest positive affect, it is often used in syntagmatic priming or cancelling double negation. Example is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I’m not going to lie and tell you that I don’t like me a slice of cake once in a while (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The author uses this example to show that while "I don't V me some X" does not superficially suggest positive affect, it is often used in syntagmatic priming or cancelling double negation. Example is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I don’t like me any wasp (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The author uses this example to show that while "I don't V me some X" does not superficially suggest positive affect, it is often used in syntagmatic priming or cancelling double negation. Example is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I dislike me some FGM as well as the next gal. I must be honest, as much as I dislike me some Parasite Hilton, Wow, I dislike me some Nascar, but it actually sounds fun to watch in Japaneese! (-Occurrence in media) Comments: The author uses this example to show that while "I don't V me some X" does not superficially suggest positive affect, it is often used in syntagmatic priming or cancelling double negation. Example is extracted by the author from the internet. Source Horn 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Negative concord Example We wadn't gon do nothin' no way. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Laura McHenry (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.667, -85.889 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 70
Negative concord Example He's been gone 'bout thirteen years, and I ain't never forgot him yet. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Lela S. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.638, -85.84 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 62	Negative concord Example I ain't never been drunk. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Billy Howell (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.649, -85.885 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 77
Negative concord Example We hadn doin' nothin'. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Paulette Green (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.632, -85.894 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 16	Negative concord Example I hadn neither. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Pam Floyd (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.63, -85.842 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 17
Negative concord Example I don't never heard of that before. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Laura McHenry (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.643, -85.831 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 70	Negative concord Example I sent her a wedding present twice and I ain't never heard from it. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Julia K. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.673, -85.86 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 89
Negative concord Example I don't feel nary a bit older. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Flora P. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.696, -85.857 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 74	Negative concord Example And they didn't whip her; they didn't do nothin'! (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Sue Taylor (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.62, -85.830 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 17
Negative concord Example I wouldna had a railman man under no circumstance. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Milly Bowen (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.618, -85.877 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 77	Negative concord Example But now, I never did go to no all day dinners around here in these churches none. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Ruby T. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.635, -85.869 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 78
Negative concord Example That's cause you don't never say nothin'. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Joanie W. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.635, -85.878 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 15	Negative concord Example You didn have no money to pay nobody to do nothin' for ye. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Carrie R. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.631, -85.821 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 72
Negative concord Example There wadn no schools then to amount to anything. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Lamar Newton (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.629, -85.812 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 86	Negative concord Example But it didn't tear up no houses or anything. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Billy Howell (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.643, -85.81 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 17
Negative concord Example We never did go to school with any colored people or nothin' at Eulaton. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: The author provides this example as the only instance in the corpus in which negative concord skips an indeterminate and applies to one occurring later in the sentence. This example is attributed by the author to Debby R. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.6100, -85.880 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 15	Negative concord Example We never had nothin', so it didn't bother us too much. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: The author provides this example to show that an indeterminate can agree in negative morphology with a preceding verb. This example is attributed by the author to Sam Cox (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.674, -85.83 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 70
Negative concord Example I don't eat no biscuit. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: The author provides this example to show that an indeterminate can agree in negative morphology with a preceding verb. This example is attributed by the author to Milly Bowen (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.66, -85.88 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 77	Negative concord Example None of em didn't hit the house. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: The author provides this example to show that a verb can agree in negative morphology with a preceding indeterminate. This example is attributed by the author to Melvin Hundley (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.617, -85.80 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 72
Negative concord Example And neither of the boys can't play a lick of it. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: The author provides this example to show that a verb can agree in negative morphology with a preceding indeterminate. This example is attributed by the author to Myrtice Jordan (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.696, -85.836 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 61	Negative concord Example I don't feel like nobody pets me. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: The author provides this example to show that an indeterminate in an embedded clause can agree in negative morphology with a verb in the matrix clause. This example is attributed by the author to Jenelle B. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.620, -85.82 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 40
Negative concord Example I don't reckon there's no haunted house. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: The author provides this example to show that an indeterminate in an embedded clause can agree in negative morphology with a verb in the matrix clause. This example is attributed by the author to John Crain (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.623, -85.886 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 17	Negative concord Example I don't know it's nothin different. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: The author provides this example to show that an indeterminate in an embedded clause can agree in negative morphology with a verb in the matrix clause. This example is attributed by the author to Billy Howell (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.628, -85.884 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 17
Negative concord Example It's no certain denomination, nohow. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: The author provides this example to show that an indeterminate in an embedded clause can agree in negative morphology with a verb in the matrix clause. This example is attributed by the author to Herman C. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.626, -85.844 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 75	Negative concord Example We ain't never really had no tornadoes in this area here that I don't remember. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: The author provides this example to show that a verb in an embedded clause can agree in negative morphology with a verb in the matrix clause. This example is attributed by the author to Billy Howell (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.60, -85.865 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 17
Negative concord Example No, I'm not gon stay home when I ain't married; me and my kids and my husband can go on campin' trips. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: The author provides this example to show that a verb in an embedded clause can agree in negative morphology with a verb in the matrix clause. This example is attributed by the author to Diane Burney (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.615, -85.819 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 15	Negative concord Example So she and her young crowd, whatever church they belonged to, would meet at the Presbyterian church. But our church did not have any young people that I can't remember -- any boys, or any girls belongin' to our church that I was, you know -- had a gang or played with. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: The author provides this example to show that a verb in an embedded clause can agree in negative morphology with a verb in the matrix clause. This example is attributed by the author to Gertrude Cook (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.629, -85.862 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 74
Negative concord Example There's not a virtuous girl living' in this place nor around here, I don't reckon. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Milly Bowen (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.65, -85.811 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 77	Negative concord Example Well, he wouldn't never have been President, I don't think. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Melvin Hundley (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.688, -85.855 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 72
Negative concord Example People jus' don't take any interest in theirselves anymore, it don't look like. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Sam Cox (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.617, -85.876 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 70	Negative inversion Example Johnny was goin' back to Vanderbilt an' wadn't anybody gon be around. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Virginia L. (pseudonym) Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.651, -85.886 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 60
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Don't mean nothin, though. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Ronny F. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.654, -85.835 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age:	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Ain't no denomination gon save nobody. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Lamar Newton (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.649, -85.846 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 84
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Wouldn't nobody be out there but jus' what would go with us. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Billy Howell (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.648, -85.856 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 17	Negative inversion Example Make it clear that we go to church on Sunday and won't anybody be here til twelve. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Virginia L. (pseudonym) Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.623, -85.852 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 61
Negative inversion Example Dudn't anybody seem to understand... (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Virginia L. (pseudonym) Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.66, -85.8100 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 61	Negative inversion Example Wadn't anything down there but the old Boozer Buildin'. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Albert Ferguson (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.680, -85.857 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 70
Negative inversion Example And won't anybody know who you are until I tell 'em. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtice Jordan (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.610, -85.892 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 61	Negative inversion Example Dudn't anybody know about it besides you and Diane. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Sandra Miller (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.676, -85.855 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 16
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example My Lord! Ain't nothin' wrong with that! (Union Springs, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to John L. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 32.135, -85.767 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 65	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example What's the matter? Wadn't nothin' you-all liked? (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Julia K. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.654, -85.868 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 89
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Way back yonder didn't anybody have nothin' then. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtice Jordan (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.61, -85.862 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 61	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Didn't none of us ever learn that. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Ronny F. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.683, -85.890 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 17
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example I don't bother nobody and ain't nobody gon come to my door here and bother me. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Flora P. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.626, -85.848 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 74	Negative inversion Example Didn't anybody go last year year, did they? (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Julia K. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.638, -85.882 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 89
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Wadn't no problem for her, was it! (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtice Jordan (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.686, -85.829 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 61	Negative concord Example Nobody don't come along and tell you you have to move. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Donald Archer (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.695, -85.893 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 80
Negative concord Example Ain't none--Nary a one of em didn't turn out to be a drunkard. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Melvin Hundley (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.676, -85.82 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 72	Split subjects, Negative concord Example ... one day after break, they didn't none of 'em go to class. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Billy Howell (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.647, -85.882 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 17
Split subjects, Negative concord Example They didn't nobody like him. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Billy Howell (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.6100, -85.82 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 17	Split subjects, Negative concord Example Me and him went on a campin' expedition this year and they didn' nothin' go right. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Billy Howell (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.668, -85.863 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 17
Negative concord Example An when we got him to the hospital, he couldn', there wouldn' nothin' go down through there. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtice Jordan (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.682, -85.81 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 61	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Back in them days, didn nobody live there but just a little while, did they? (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Ida Marshall (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.648, -85.824 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 67
Negative concord Example I mean, though, back in them days, they didn' nobody live up there. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Ida Marshall (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.629, -85.855 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 67	Split subjects, Negative concord Example As far as I'm concerned, there's nobody never been on the moon. I don't believe they have. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Herman C. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.66, -85.840 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 75
Negative inversion Example Isn't anybody gon pay that much attention. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Lojean G. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.662, -85.841 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 15	Split subjects, Negative concord Example There ain't nobody gon hear it but her, nohow. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Ruby T. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.645, -85.838 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 78
Split subjects, Negative concord Example Th'ain't nobody have no fast cars. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to John Crain (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.63, -85.853 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 17	Split subjects, Negative concord Example They ain't no water over there. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Jimmy Flowers (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.629, -85.833 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 17
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example She told me that wasn't nobody gon run her out tonight. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Edith H. (pseudonym) Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.627, -85.885 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 65	Negative inversion Example ... and wadn't anybody home but me. (Selma, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Isabel P. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 32.45, -87.010 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 80's
Split subjects, Negative concord Example Because there wadn nothin' but the big folks went up there, y'know. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Ruby T. (pseudonym) Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.610, -85.869 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 78	Negative concord Example But the doctor said it wadn't nothin' the matter with his heart, it was all right. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtice Jordan (pseudoname). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.643, -85.899 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 61
Negative concord Example I looked in her purse Saturday, and nothin' wadn' in there. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Sue Taylor (pseudoname). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.670, -85.891 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 17	Negative inversion Example I hope that won't anybody hit us. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Virginia L. (pseudonym) Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.664, -85.825 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 60
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Won't nobody help her. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtice Jordan (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.628, -85.856 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 61	Split subjects, Negative concord Example They won't nobody know you're gone. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtice Jordan (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.661, -85.848 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 61
Split subjects, Negative concord Example Mr. Pippin called for the meetin' to be adjourned, and there wouldn't nobody second it. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtice Jordan (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.652, -85.840 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 61	Split subjects, Negative concord Example They wouldn' none of 'em help me at all with her. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Flora P. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.640, -85.874 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 74
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example There wadn' no white people lived over in there! And still don't none live over in 'ere. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Flora P. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.645, -85.810 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 74	Split subjects, Negative concord Example They don't none of our boys go in for stuff like that. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Ronny F. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.68, -85.818 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 17
Negative concord Example Nobody don't believe it now. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Milly Bowen (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.697, -85.884 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 77	Negative inversion Example Didn't anybody live there except the Bentons, and us, and the Ponders. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Mabel Elliot (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.627, -85.866 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 66
Split subjects, Negative concord Example There didn' no girl go to the door with a boy. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtle Hutchins (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.615, -85.836 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 80	Negative concord Example An' they come outta there screamin' and nobody didn' do nothin' about it. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Ruby T. (pseudonym) Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.696, -85.835 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 78
Negative inversion Example Can't anybody know. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Olivia F. (pseudonym) Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.634, -85.854 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 70	Negative inversion Example Can't but two people sit in back. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Evelyn B. (pseudonym) Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.657, -85.888 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 65
Negative inversion Example And couldn't anybody do it but Charlotte. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Virginia L. (pseudonym) Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.674, -85.81 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 60	Negative concord Example They could spell words that nobody else couldn't spell. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Lurlene F. (pseudonym) Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.672, -85.843 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 42
Negative inversion Example Your father and I have done so much that hadn't anybody better say anything. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Virginia L. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.640, -85.830 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 60	Negative inversion Example Idn't anybody gon' pay that much attention. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Lojean G. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.641, -85.811 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 15
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Ain't nothin' in there! (Union Springs, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to John L. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 32.14, -85.763 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 65	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example But ain't nothin' we can do about it. (Union Springs, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to John L. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 32.179, -85.76 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 65
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Meat's not gon come down. Ain't nothin' comin' down! (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to George A. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.670, -85.846 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 50's	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Ain't nobody gon bother yuh. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to George O. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.652, -85.831 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 30's
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Ain't nobody home. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Tom P. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.637, -85.861 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 17	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Push 'em outta gear, they get to goin' so fast you cain't pull em back in gear, and ain't no way to slow it down. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Ronny F. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.656, -85.883 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 17
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example I mean, if you're not married, an' you don't care nothin' about stayin' around home, 'cause ain't nobody you care to be around all that much, it's a good life. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Ronny F. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.690, -85.867 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 17	Negative inversion, Negative concord, A-prefixing Example Well, ain't no man a-gon come in here and buy me no curtains and stuff, 'cause I wouldn't have it if he did! (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Milly Bowen (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.678, -85.890 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 77
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Ain't nobody 'round here 'at believes in it. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Lamar Newton (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.618, -85.843 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 86	Negative inversion Example Well, Walt said he told him, says, ain't but two mean fellers here, an' I'm both of em. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to James Hays (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.688, -85.826 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 81
Negative inversion Example An' they said wadn't any use operatin'. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Cornelia D. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.636, -85.892 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 70's	Negative inversion Example An' he kept tellin' her tha', y'know, it was all in her mind, that wadn't anything wrong with her. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Pam Floyd (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.678, -85.828 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 17
Negative concord Example Wasn't nothin' youall liked? (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Julia K. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.687, -85.862 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 85	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example He went down there and had all this lumber and wadn't no way to get it out and ... (Louisiana-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Blanche F. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 32.480, -87.086 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 34
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example But, uh, after I got out on my own, you know, wadn't nobody in my family could pick cotton much. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Carrie R. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.676, -85.851 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 72	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example I made a crop up till two years before I got to where I--wadn' nobody to work but me and this girl. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Joseph McD. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.625, -85.853 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 94
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example An' won't nobody know. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtice Jordan (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.624, -85.850 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 61	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example ... cause won't none of 'em at home use it. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtice Jordan (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.610, -85.891 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 61
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Wouldn't nobody help us. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to John Crain (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.634, -85.83 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 17	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example An' wouldn't nobody have anything to do with her. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtice Jordan (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.693, -85.820 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 61
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example ... and wouldn't nothin' go through the other one. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtice Jordan (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.699, -85.868 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 61	Negative inversion Example And Ann said, dudn't anybody know except somebody who's been there. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Virginia L. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.696, -85.845 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 60
Negative inversion Example Lucile does 'em. Dudn't anybody else. (North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Adele H. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 31.220, -92.156 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 70's	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Don't nobody know why he did it. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtice Jordan (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.648, -85.878 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 61
Negative inversion Example Don't anybody wanna go. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Agnes S. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.61, -85.882 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 70's	Negative inversion Example Oh, no! Didn't anybody cross Pere! (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Virginia L. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.657, -85.877 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 60
Negative inversion Example Didn't anybody see anybody get out of it. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Theta L. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.667, -85.850 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 60's	Negative inversion Example Didn't but three people sign up for the trip. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Lillian H. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.643, -85.810 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 70's
Negative inversion Example Didn't anybody live there except the Warners and us, and the Stones. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Mabel Elliot (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.629, -85.814 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 66	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Well, all right, says, didn't none of you try to find out why I wadn't here. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Lamar Newton (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.686, -85.83 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 86
Negative inversion Example Well, they jes' ast 'em go back to work till they arbitrate, you know, and they was gon get better conditions, but we didn't -- didn't anything happen. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Homer B. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.654, -85.811 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 67	Negative inversion Example Didn't many boys in town like to hunt. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Homer B. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.614, -85.878 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 67
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Oh, yeah, they was a big tree right here, an' one down here; they just crossed--crossed the road out there. Didn't none fall on this house. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Herman C. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.697, -85.872 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 75	Negative inversion Example And can't anybody but the immediate family go in. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Virginia L. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.646, -85.815 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 61
A-prefixing Example When I got mine, I said, 'Lord, I'm gonna have my teeth, an' I'm a-gonna wear 'em. It's the Lord's will.' (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Ruby T. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.698, -85.834 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 78	A-prefixing Example I'm a-goin' to Dr. Law pretty soon and see what's the matter with me, though. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Flora P. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.642, -85.846 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 74
A-prefixing Example I'm a-goin' somewhere. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Debby R. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.659, -85.859 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 15	A-prefixing Example An' I get to where I can't see where I'm a-goin' sometimes. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Carrie R. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.651, -85.894 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 72
A-prefixing Example I'm a-lookin' for 'em the last of next week, my sister and my brother. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Milly Bowern (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.624, -85.845 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 77	A-prefixing Example I have company here ever' day, some days all day long, in an' out, to see what I'm a-doin'. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Milly Bowern (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.628, -85.858 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 77
A-prefixing Example I'm a-takin' it. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtice Jordan (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.681, -85.84 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 61	A-prefixing Example An' when I lay it down, I put the barrel away from toward where I'm a-layin' on de bed. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Ruby T. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.613, -85.810 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 78
A-prefixing Example An' I'm a-nippin' myself all the time. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Rose Archer (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.638, -85.899 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 78	A-prefixing Example Well, I know I'm a-gettin' old, but still, at the same time, I can get around pretty good to be my age. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Flora P. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.681, -85.872 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 74
A-prefixing Example I reckon that shows that I'm a-gettin' old. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtice Jordan (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.689, -85.882 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 61	A-prefixing Example I never drank in my life, and I'm not agon--I just don't want it around me. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Milly Bowen (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.652, -85.869 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 77
A-prefixing Example I said, I'm not a-gon put up with it. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Milly Bowen (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.678, -85.861 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 77	A-prefixing Example I'm not a-gon have nothin' else to do with her. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Milly Bowen (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.634, -85.883 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 77
A-prefixing Example I said, Well, A-men, but I'm not a-dyin' of loneliness, 'cause I don't let myself go like that. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Milly Bowen (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.686, -85.898 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 77	A-prefixing Example I ain't a-gon do that. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Milly Bowen (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.60, -85.896 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 77
A-prefixing Example I ain't a-goin' up there to give it to her. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Milly Bowen (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.616, -85.84 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 77	A-prefixing Example I said, 'Mrs. Ames, I'm not a-goin' out,' I said. It's gon be stormy. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Milly Bowen (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.629, -85.810 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 77
A-prefixing Example I sit right here, an' what time I ain't a-sewin', I'm a-ironin' or somethin' like that. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Flora P. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.624, -85.863 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 74	A-prefixing Example Said, I know this thing's a-gonna kill me. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Ruby T. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.656, -85.883 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 78
A-prefixing Example He's a-comin' to send his angels to visit the churches! (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Lamar Newton (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.635, -85.826 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 86	A-prefixing Example It's really a-pullin' 'em down, because ... (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtice Jordan (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.631, -85.890 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 61
A-prefixing Example I carry the telegram to her and she carries it down to Mamie to the mill where she's a-workin'. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myra Tobey (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.656, -85.895 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 74	A-prefixing Example He's a-makin' 'em think a different thing. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtice Jordan (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.665, -85.845 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 61
A-prefixing Example I said, we's a-makin' up a story for her, did she hear us a-talkin'. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtice Jordan (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.689, -85.836 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 61	A-prefixing Example I said, that's what way that air's a-comin' in. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Milly Bowen (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.673, -85.831 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 77
A-prefixing Example She's still a-livin'. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Paul A. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.69, -85.894 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 76	A-prefixing Example Well, Shirley's a-gettin' up in years herself! (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Milly Bowen (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.626, -85.847 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 77
A-prefixing Example It's a-rainin' out there for us again. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtice Jordan (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.634, -85.84 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 61	A-prefixing Example I said, it's not a-gonna be no storm. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Milly Bowen (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.641, -85.813 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 77
A-prefixing Example An' it [the rain] ain't a-gonna quit till they quit! ... They ain't got no business a-Ieavin' this earth a-goin' into God's territory! (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Carrie R. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.670, -85.89 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 72	A-prefixing Example We're just a-huntin' her. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Marie J. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.668, -85.80 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 60's
A-prefixing Example No, they're pretty good built, but they just a-settlin', still a-settlin', I reckon. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Ruby T. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.611, -85.863 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 78	A-prefixing Example They're not- a-wantin' to protect me and you. They're wantin' to protect the gov'ment when it takes over, then they come to take it. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Sam Cox (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.640, -85.837 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 70
A-prefixing Example So they called my daughter at four and told her that they was a-goin' to have to run a emergency operation. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtle Hutchins (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.649, -85.877 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 80	A-prefixing Example They was jus' a-goin' and a-comin', people in and out this-away, the farm and the cattle, and everything to attract flies. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Rose Archer (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.618, -85.846 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 78
A-prefixing Example Well, it was a-goin' up to forty dollars a month on us, and they stopped that. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Milly Bowen (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.666, -85.875 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 77	A-prefixing Example Back when he was a-goin' to school he said he whistled so much and everybody called him Jaybird! (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Flora P. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.66, -85.855 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 74
A-prefixing Example So, ah, it went right on up nearly to the day l'z a-goin', and so-ah--the recruitin' officer, he fed me all the bananers and everything else you could, but I still couldn't get enough weight hardly at that time. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Sam Cox (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.682, -85.890 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 70	A-prefixing Example I was on my way to work when it was all a-goin' on. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtle Hutchins (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.686, -85.870 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 80
A-prefixing Example They all thought I was a-goin' to the baptism down on Cane Creek below where we lived. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Eunice T. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.669, -85.843 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 85	A-prefixing Example When I 'uz a-goin' up, the other'n was goin' down. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Carrie R. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.666, -85.838 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 72
A-prefixing Example When the camp [fort] was a-Ieavin' Anniston. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Lamar Newton (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.680, -85.857 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 86	A-prefixing Example An' she 'uz a-walkin' out there with her. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Milly Bowen (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.619, -85.824 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 77
A-prefixing Example An' my other, oldest sister, she got on it one day and 'uz a-ridin' down through there, an' she got flipped out of the road, you know, and run into a tree and cut a gash in her leg 'bout that long. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Etta McD. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.682, -85.814 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 60	A-prefixing Example When I came to, I was a-scramblin' tryin' to get over here to get up. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtle Hutchins (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.638, -85.865 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 80
A-prefixing Example Most of 'em, y'see, back then, if the children wasn't big enough to take a hoe and hoe, they would put the younger ones, y'know, in front of em, a-pullin' the big bunches of weeds and grass out of the row to keep 'em out of mischief at home while the mother was in the field a-workin'. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtle Hutchins (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.632, -85.834 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 80	A-prefixing Example Well, my husband, the shop where he was a-workin' shut down. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Flora P. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.699, -85.835 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 74
A-prefixing Example He was a-workin' in the mill at Jacksonville. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Mattie Dougherty (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.661, -85.890 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 83	A-prefixing Example At that time I was a-workin' at Penney's. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtice Jordan (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.645, -85.842 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 61
A-prefixing Example While he was a-wirin' it, think he carried Marie over there to look at it, and she liked it. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to James Hays (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.632, -85.843 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 81	A-prefixing Example We 'uz all a-singin'. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtice Jordan (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.698, -85.832 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 61
A-prefixing Example Anyhow, I 'uz a-hummin' that tune, and one of them girls said, can you sing? (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Ruby T. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.698, -85.865 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 78	A-prefixing Example I rushed out the kitchen door and he was a-screamin'. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Rose Archer (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.679, -85.871 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 78
A-prefixing Example So I got her and I shook her, and she 'uz just a-growlin' an' scratchin', y'know, an' finally I got her by the neck. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Pam Floyd (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.673, -85.821 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 17	A-prefixing Example He's gon wind up behind the eight ball, that McCord but he's a-tellin' the truth. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Flora P. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.62, -85.832 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 74
A-prefixing Example I'z a-puttin' up clean curtains. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Milly Bowen (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.640, -85.852 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 77	A-prefixing Example l'z a-runnin' it through the roller on the washin' machine and I raked down and it went in my thumb. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Milly Bowen (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.619, -85.840 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 77
A-prefixing Example This Mr. Helton had come up, was a-Iookin' over-- (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtle Hutchins (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.638, -85.856 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 80	A-prefixing Example I hope that's a better recordin' n' 'at 'n 'ey had out here one time a-tryin' to take some--some'n er other, I don't know what they'z a-doin', a-singin'. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Ruby T. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.694, -85.852 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 78
A-prefixing Example So she's been a-workin' up there now over a year. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Flora P. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.658, -85.852 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 74	A-prefixing Example He got one 'ere that's been a-runnin' now four or five years. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Carrie R. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.631, -85.811 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 72
A-prefixing Example I been a-livin' in this house, this place, for forty-six years, this particular place. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Paul A. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.673, -85.899 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 76	A-prefixing Example Bout seven or eight years I been a-wearin' it cut. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Milly Bowen (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.60, -85.844 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 77
A-prefixing Example I been a-tradin' with 'em thirty years, I reckon. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Ruby T. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.618, -85.887 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 78	A-prefixing Example She said, Well, that shade didn't go up and I been a-lookin'. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Milly Bowen (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.658, -85.86 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 77
A-prefixing Example I been a-votin' since I was twelve-year-old. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Lamar Newton (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.633, -85.868 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 86	A-prefixing Example Well, I been just a-sewin' away, and I don't even have my thread in there. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Pam Floyd (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.616, -85.870 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 17
A-prefixing Example I look trashy myself 'cause I been a-moppin' and I cooked a cake for Betty Jo. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Rose Archer (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.67, -85.86 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 78	A-prefixing Example Course, we been a-goin' down here fifty-odd years. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to James Hays (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.62, -85.830 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 81
A-prefixing Example He told me, said, I don't want her up here, said, I want her at Stringfellers, so I been a-goin' to Stringfellers. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Ruby T. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.627, -85.882 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 78	A-prefixing Example Well, come to find out, I'd been a-goin' so much, an' I'z so fat ... (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Flora P. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.613, -85.860 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 74
A-prefixing Example But if I'd a been a-dyin' it'd been all the same. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Milly Bowen (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.68, -85.836 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 77	A-prefixing Example We'd been a-workin' it four, five month, I guess ... (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to James Hays (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.672, -85.885 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 81
A-prefixing Example ... when she said that they'd been a-huntin' him, they'd missed him out of the crowd when they went to that conversation. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Lamar Newton (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.62, -85.876 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 86	A-prefixing Example I haven't been a-huntin' in thirty years. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Donald Archer (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.690, -85.831 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 80
A-prefixing Example I ain't been--I haven't been a-goin' since they moved the church. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Flora P. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.616, -85.820 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 74	A-prefixing Example An' his wife, I reckon she may be still a-livin'. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Melvin Hundley (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.61, -85.860 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 72
A-prefixing Example Lots a times I come in an' they ['ll] be a settin' out there. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtice Jordan (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.650, -85.810 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 61	A-prefixing Example Them two old sisters 'ud be a-sittin' ... (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Flora P. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.670, -85.848 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 74
A-prefixing Example I can remember that. We'd be a-playin' somethin', and-- (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtice Jordan (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.653, -85.884 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 61	A-prefixing Example If it didn't, I'd be a-climbin' trees huntin' a check! (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Ruby T. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.615, -85.898 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 78
A-prefixing Example I'd be gain' to work at mornin' and he'd be a-goin' to work, and we just happened to get together like that. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtle Hutchins (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.619, -85.855 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 80	A-prefixing Example Some of us 'ud get knocked plumb out, be a-goin' so fast, you know. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Eunice T. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.697, -85.852 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 85
A-prefixing Example Oh, Lord! If I had the money that's been spent in my family for whiskey, I--I'd--wouldn't be a-sittin' here. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Milly Bowen (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.615, -85.814 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 77	A-prefixing Example ... so you wouldn't be a-Iookin' for her tomorrow. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtice Jordan (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.659, -85.872 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 61
A-prefixing Example Now you could jump out of there pretty good if you happened to be a-ridin' in the back end. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Ella Benton (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.676, -85.818 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 77	A-prefixing Example I don't feel right not to be a-doin' it now. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Eunice T. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.622, -85.82 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 85
A-prefixing Example Keep a-diggin'. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to an A&P checker. Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.674, -85.836 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age:	A-prefixing Example I take a digitalis capsule for my heart, keep my heart a-goin', and I take ... (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Carrie R. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.631, -85.838 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 72
A-prefixing Example With the high cost of livin' and everythin' it takes two, both of 'em in the family, to keep up things, keep things a-goin', and have the things they want. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Ella Benton (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.631, -85.853 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 77	A-prefixing Example An' he'd run hide again, jus' keep a-goin' that way. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Melvin Hundley (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.674, -85.83 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 72
A-prefixing Example Didn't have six or eight members when I, say, worked at it, you know, tried to keep it a'goin'. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Clarence Fairchild (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.686, -85.840 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 80	A-prefixing Example They kept a-growin' and they finally dedicated it to the people over here. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Donald Archer (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.63, -85.825 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 80
A-prefixing Example An' I'z settin' there on the back porch a-churnin' an' I kep' a-settin' there, an' I said, Well, Lord, if it hits me and kills me, I'll jes'--you intend for it to, so I kep' a-settin', I jes' kep' a-churnin', watchin' it, you know. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Flora P. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.639, -85.860 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 74	A-prefixing Example But I jus' set there and jes' kep' a-churnin'. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Flora P. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.637, -85.896 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 74
A-prefixing Example But I jest kepi a-settin' there churnin', you know. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Flora P. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.615, -85.870 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 74	A-prefixing Example So I jest kept a-churnin', jes' like--I don't--like nobody's business, I jes' kep' a-settin' there a-churnin'. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Flora P. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.679, -85.893 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 74
A-prefixing Example I seen my mother and them comin' in, an' I kep' a-watchin' it come from this direction. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Flora P. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.636, -85.865 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 74	A-prefixing Example My sewin' machine got hung yesterday--a pin got in the bottom of it--n' it jus' kep' on a-sewin', and I 'uz tryin' to stop It, and hold it, and everything else! (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Pam Floyd (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.612, -85.852 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 17
A-prefixing Example I sold a good many of 'em, and I jus' kept on a-makin' 'em, y'know. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Melvin Hundley (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.657, -85.892 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 72	A-prefixing Example Bird huntin' was the only time I reckon I went a-huntin'--a- bird huntin' at night. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtice Jordan (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.658, -85.867 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 61
A-prefixing Example They went a-huntin' gettin' their bricks. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtice Jordan (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.663, -85.848 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 61	A-prefixing Example You know what, used to, go a-visitin', my daddy and stepmother would go sometimes after supper. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to James Hays (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.69, -85.84 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 81
A-prefixing Example I never did go a-hikin' on Coldwater Mountin. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Ella Benton (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.610, -85.84 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 77	A-prefixing Example We heard the [fire] reels a-goin' out and the old city clock strikin'. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Ruby T. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.6100, -85.832 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 78
A-prefixing Example All you knocked out was yours. I win so many marbles a-goin' to school, I don't know what to do with 'em. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Sam Cox (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.64, -85.845 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 70	A-prefixing Example Well, you had that a-goin'. You couldn't hear me. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtice Jordan (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.62, -85.881 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 61
A-prefixing Example ... when I come through town a-goin' home. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtice Jordan (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.658, -85.852 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 61	A-prefixing Example He was over there a-goin' with their daughter. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtice Jordan (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.690, -85.838 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 61
A-prefixing Example ... and how much difference is in my time a-comin' up and the children are today. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtice Jordan (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.626, -85.852 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 61	A-prefixing Example Just like the doctor tol' Lula about me a-comin' to. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Lamar Newton (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.654, -85.847 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 86
A-prefixing Example Well, the last time I saw him, I saw him down by Fites, a-comin' up. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Mabel Elliot (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.631, -85.851 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 65	A-prefixing Example We waited a little bit and finally saw her a-comin'. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Ella Benton (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.672, -85.846 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 77
A-prefixing Example An' in the wintertime when the waterpipes 'ud freeze up, you'd see John a-comin'. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtle Hutchins (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.699, -85.83 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 80	A-prefixing Example An' I saw a soldier, a colored man, a soldier, a-comin' down the railroad a-totin' this man's head, had his hands in his hair, a-totin' this man's head down the railroad. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtle Hutchins (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.680, -85.860 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 80
A-prefixing Example An' there was a train a-comin' in from Birmingham a-goin' to Atlanta an' they was gon catch it. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Ruby T. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.681, -85.849 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 78	A-prefixing Example I've got company a-comin'. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Nola S. (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.683, -85.836 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 70's
A-prefixing Example Yeah, it was me a-leavin'. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myrtice Jordan (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.643, -85.82 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 61	A-prefixing Example They'll come in a-lookin', don't they, Ralph! They'll come in just a-lookin'. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Myra Tobey (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.619, -85.893 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 74
A-prefixing Example An' that's what they found him a-doin', talkin' with the wise people and answerin' question. (Anniston, Alabama-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Lamar Newton (pseudonym). Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Alabama English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 33.673, -85.874 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 86	Personal dative Example She baked her a cake. (-) Comments: The two pronouns are co-referential. Source Armstrong & Hutchinson 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I take me a pound or two of butter and cut me off a chunk of butter ... (-) Comments: Source Christian 1991 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example *They slept them all day. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The two pronouns are co-referential. The author uses this example to show that personal datives must have transitive predicates. Source Armstrong & Hutchinson 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example *Sue fell her yesterday at the office. (-Judgment-based) Comments: Sue and the pronoun are co-referential. The author uses this example to show that personal datives must have transitive predicates. Source Armstrong & Hutchinson 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example John bought him a new car. (-) Comments: John and the pronoun are co-referential. Source Armstrong & Hutchinson 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example They shot them some pheasants. (-) Comments: The two pronouns are co-referential. Source Armstrong & Hutchinson 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example We baked us a cake. (-) Comments: Source Armstrong & Hutchinson 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example ... he got him a bow and arrow set ... (-) Comments: The two pronouns are co-referential. Source Christian 1991 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example *I baked me her a cake. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that it is not possible to have a dative shift double object construction containing a Personal dative pronoun. Source Armstrong & Hutchinson 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example *I baked her me a cake (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that it is not possible to have a dative shift double object construction containing a Personal dative pronoun. Source Armstrong & Hutchinson 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example We want us a black German police dog. (-) Comments: Source Christian 1991 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I drank me a soda. (-) Comments: Source Armstrong & Hutchinson 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example Cats love them some balls of yarn. (-) Comments: Cats' and the pronoun are co-referential. Source Armstrong & Hutchinson 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example Did you sing you some songs at youth group last night? (-) Comments: The two pronouns are co-referential. Source Armstrong & Hutchinson 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative, Negative concord Example I can't watch me no horror movies (they give me nightmares). (-) Comments: Source Armstrong & Hutchinson 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example *I ate me the pie. (-) Comments: The author uses this example to show that the direct object of a personal dative cannot have a definite determiner such as 'the.' This is in contrast to the acceptable "I ate me a pie." Source Armstrong & Hutchinson 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I ate me a pie. (-) Comments: The author uses this example to show that the direct object of a personal dative cannot have a definite determiner such as 'the.' This is in contrast to the ungrammatical "I ate me the pie." Source Armstrong & Hutchinson 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example *I drank me every soda. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that the direct object of a personal dative cannot have a universal quantifier such as 'every.' This is in contrast with the acceptable 'I drank me some soda.' Source Armstrong & Hutchinson 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example *I drank me every sodas. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that the direct object of a personal dative cannot have a universal quantifier such as 'every.' This is in contrast with the acceptable 'I drank me some sodas.' Source Armstrong & Hutchinson 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I drank me some soda. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that the direct object of a personal dative cannot have a universal quantifier such as 'every.' This is in contrast with the ungrammatical "*I drank me every soda." Source Armstrong & Hutchinson 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I drank me some sodas. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that the direct object of a personal dative cannot have a universal quantifier such as 'every.' This is in contrast with the ungrammatical "*I drank me every sodas." Source Armstrong & Hutchinson 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example We got us some logs, put us four big poles around the side of it. (-) Comments: Source Christian 1991 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example *I wrote me letters. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that although bare plurals are indefinites, they are generally not allowed in personal dative constructions. Source Armstrong & Hutchinson 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I drank me an iced-tea. (-) Comments: Source Armstrong & Hutchinson 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example Bill bought him a car for his mom from the dealership. (-) Comments: Bill and the pronoun are co-referential. Source Armstrong & Hutchinson 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example I held me some little puppies last night. (-) Comments: Source Armstrong & Hutchinson 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example She loves her some time off. (-) Comments: The two pronouns are co-referential. Source Armstrong & Hutchinson 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example #I wrote me a letter telling Mary about the average yearly rainfall in Kansas. (-Judgment-based) Comments: The authors believe the example to be rather infelicitous because personal datives are associated with "a particular degree of satisfaction or emotional involvement on the part of the grammatical subject" and "average yearly rainfall in Kansas is unlikely to be a particularly emotionally laden fact for the writer, and this description is therefore not likely to afford the writer any remarkable sense of satisfaction." Source Armstrong & Hutchinson 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example We'd head out in them trees and roll that stuff up and make us cigarettes, you know, and smoke that. (-) Comments: The author uses this example to show that although bare plurals are sometimes allowed in personal dative constructions, contrary to the generalization that bare plurals are unacceptable, such as "*I wrote me letters." Source Christian 1991 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example ??What did you buy you? (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that in personal datives, the direct object cannot be extracted. Source Armstrong & Hutchinson 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example ??What did you buy you at the store yesterday? (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that in personal datives, the direct object cannot be extracted. Source Armstrong & Hutchinson 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example *Who did she meet her? (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that in personal datives, the direct object cannot be extracted. The two pronouns 'she' and 'her' are co-referential. Source Armstrong & Hutchinson 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example *Who did she meet her at the store last Sunday? (-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that in personal datives, the direct object cannot be extracted. The two pronouns 'she' and 'her' are co-referential. Source Armstrong & Hutchinson 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example Can I watch me some TV shows? (-) Comments: Source Armstrong & Hutchinson 2008 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Needs washed Example The house needs painted. (Allegheny Mountain region, Pennsylvania-) Comments: Source Stabley 1959 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 41.289, -78.954 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Needs washed Example The television set needs fixed. (Allegheny Mountain region, Pennsylvania-) Comments: Source Stabley 1959 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 41.281, -78.975 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Needs washed Example The children need spanked. (Allegheny Mountain region, Pennsylvania-) Comments: Source Stabley 1959 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 41.220, -78.987 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Needs washed Example American education needs improved. (Allegheny Mountain region, Pennsylvania-) Comments: Source Stabley 1959 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 41.246, -78.942 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Needs washed Example Teachers' salaries need raised. (Allegheny Mountain region, Pennsylvania-) Comments: Source Stabley 1959 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 41.20, -78.990 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Needs washed Example Its origins need traced. (Allegheny Mountain region, Pennsylvania-) Comments: Source Stabley 1959 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 41.279, -78.932 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Needs washed Example The room needs cleaned. (Allegheny Mountain region, Pennsylvania-) Comments: Source Stabley 1959 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 41.291, -78.973 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Needs washed Example The baby wants picked up. (-) Comments: Source Stabley 1959 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Needs washed Example The cat wants fed. (-) Comments: Source Stabley 1959 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Needs washed Example ?The cat likes fed. (-) Comments: The author uses this example to show that the participle usually does not go with "likes" for some speakers Source Stabley 1959 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Needs washed Example ?The baby likes picked up. (-) Comments: The author uses this example to show that the participle usually does not go with "likes" for some speakers Source Stabley 1959 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Needs washed Example She really likes cuddled. (Western Pennsylvania, Eastern Ohio, Northern West Virginia, Central Indiana-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Murray & Simon 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 40.976, -79.255 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 50's	Needs washed Example ... newborn babies like cuddled. (-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Murray & Simon 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 50's
Needs washed Example Cindy, this one [baby] just woke up and probably wants fed. (-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Murray & Simon 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 50's	Needs washed Example Our dogs like petted, our cats like fed, and our horses like brushed (South-central Ohio, East-central Ohio, Kentucky-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Murray & Simon 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: North Midland Specific locale: 37.573, -85.613 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Needs washed Example [the dog] sure does like petted (-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Murray & Simon 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: North Midland Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Needs washed Example [that plant] likes watered every day (-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Murray & Simon 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: North Midland Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age:
Needs washed Example If you would like picked up along our route we suggest telephoning our office... (Bracebridge, Ontario-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example is attributed by the author to www.muskoka.com/busmall/hammond/algonsch.html Source Murray & Simon 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 45.015, -79.335 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Needs washed Example We would like picked up at Airport; we would like picked up at Fort William Train Station (Fort William, Scotland-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example is attributed by the author to www.lochaber.co.uk/inverlochy/reservations.htm Source Murray & Simon 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 56.855, -5.1058 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Needs washed Example ... everyone was at the Air and Space Museum and would like picked up. (Englewood, Ohio-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example is attributed by the author to www.infinet.com/~joeyd/scouts/outings/highad/citizenship/highad87.html Source Murray & Simon 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 39.89, -84.334 Ethnicity: Gender: Male Age:	Needs washed Example Would you like fed? (Scotland-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Murray & Simon 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 56.694, -4.2240 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Needs washed Example Would this car not like washed? (Scotland-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Murray & Simon 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 56.659, -4.2217 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Needs washed Example Wrinkled was not one of the things I wanted when I grew up. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Source Murray & Simon 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Needs washed Example What that guy needs is laid. (-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Murray & Simon 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Needs washed Example Besides the actors, there are interpreters and hand signing that need well lighted. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Source Murray & Simon 2002 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Needs washed Example This glass needs washed. (Western Pennsylvania-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example is attributed by the author to Annie Dillard's memoir, "An American Childhood," 1997. Source Murray et al. 1996 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 41.239, -77.161 Ethnicity: Gender: Female Age:	Needs washed Example Zoning changes need stopped. (Macomb, Illinois-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example is attributed by the author to Macomb Journal, 12/5/1993. Source Murray et al. 1996 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 40.422, -90.66 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Needs washed Example Yer lugs needs washed (-Judgment-based) Comments: Example is attributed by the author to a posting on ADS-l by George Halliday. Source Murray et al. 1996 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Scots Specific locale: 56.64, -4.2230 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Needs washed Example He didn't understand why I was so upset---it needed done and I wasn't there, so he 'just did it.' (-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example is attributed by the author to a MA thesis. Source Murray et al. 1996 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Needs washed Example The car needs washed. (Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania-) Comments: Source McCool 1982 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 40.487, -79.975 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Needs washed Example The grass needs cut again. (South Dakota, Nebraska, Kansas, Iowa, Missouri, Illinois, Indiana, Ohio-Judgment-based) Comments: Source Murray et al. 1996 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 38.428, -92.325 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Needs washed Example Jamie needs diapered. (Sullivan County, Indiana-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: The example is attributed by the author to Gail Stygall, ADS-1, 4 April 1995; described as a construction her ex picked up from his mother, "born c. 1918, Sullivan Co. Indiana." Source Murray et al. 1996 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 39.024, -87.463 Ethnicity: Gender: Male Age:	Needs washed Example The laundry Needs washed. (Sullivan County, Indiana-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: The example is attributed by the author to Gail Stygall, ADS-1, 4 April 1995; described as a construction her ex picked up from his mother, "born c. 1918, Sullivan Co. Indiana." Source Murray et al. 1996 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 39.062, -87.418 Ethnicity: Gender: Male Age:
Needs washed Example Does my hair need combed? (Central-Western Tennessee-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from "Harder Coll." Source DARE Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 35.692, -86.595 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Needs washed Example The lawn needs mowed. (West Union, Ohio-) Comments: Source DARE Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 40.470, -82.95 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Needs washed Example This needs fixed. (Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania-) Comments: Source DARE Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 40.462, -79.966 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Needs washed Example These braces need lengthened. (Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania-) Comments: Source DARE Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 40.493, -79.996 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Needs washed Example Higher education in Pennsylvania needs upgraded. (Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania-) Comments: Source DARE Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 40.470, -79.964 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Needs washed Example You had cats, you don't need bothered with rats. (Central Louisiana-) Comments: Source Pederson LAGS Concordance Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 31.319, -92.123 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Needs washed Example A college friend used to say "All of my clothes need washed" or "My blouse needs ironed." (Southern Idaho-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source DARE Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 44.182, -114.27 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Needs washed Example He hoped to goodness that Mother and Walter got back home before Benny woke up from his nap and needed fed. (Northwestern Florida-Occurrence in media) Comments: The example is from Kincaid's "Crossing Blood." Source DARE Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 30.449, -84.250 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Needs washed Example My car needs repaired. (Colorado, Idaho, Missouri, New Jersey, Ohio, Virginia, West Virginia, Wisconsin-) Comments: Listed in W3 File as "Constructions of the type 'My car needs repaired.'" Source DARE Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 44.348, -89.535 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Needs washed Example The dog wants fed. (Southwestern Pennsylvania-) Comments: Identified by E. K. Maxwell in a "list of regionalisms published in American Speech." Described as "relatively rare." Source Murray & Simon 1999 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 40.424, -79.983 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Needs washed Example The customer wants served. (Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania-) Comments: Source McCool 1982 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 40.423, -79.971 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Needs washed Example Do you want picked up? (Eastern Pennsylvania, Western West Virginia-) Comments: Source DARE Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 38.710, -81.454 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Needs washed Example You want spanked? (Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: The consultant remembered his father saying this. Source DARE Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 40.446, -79.94 Ethnicity: Gender: Male Age:	A-prefixing Example If any scholar shall go a-fishing or sailing, or more than two miles from the College, upon any occasion, without leave from the President, a Professor, or a Tutor, ... he may be fined not exceeding thirty-four cents. (New Haven, Connecticut-Occurrence in media) Comments: Example is extracted from the 1800 edition of laws of Yale College. Source Feagin 1979 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 41.31, -72.947 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
So don't I Example A: We have sixteen interns. B: So don't we! (New Haven, Connecticut-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: The example was volunteered in a conversation about the construction with RZ. Source Yale Grammatical Diversity Project 2011 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 41.382, -72.949 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 50	Positive anymore Example Twitter can be a professional job anymore. (Gothenburg, Nebraska-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: The example was heard in a professional presentation about agriculture technology attended by ZM. Source Yale Grammatical Diversity Project 2011 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 40.965, -100.17 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 20's
Positive anymore Example Anymore we do [own several pairs of shoes]. (Burwell, Nebraska-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: The example was uttered in a conversation with ZM. Source Yale Grammatical Diversity Project 2011 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 41.729, -99.169 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 70's	Negative concord Example It ain't no cat can't get in no coop. (New York City, New York-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 40.7994, -73.9471 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 15
Negative concord Example We don't ever see none of them guys. (Wanchese, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: The example is attributed by the author to Monnie O. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 35.8421, -75.6393 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 35	Negative concord Example From then on, I didn't have any trouble at school, no more. (Eastern Atlanta, Georgia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: The example is attributed by the author to Henry G. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 33.7345, -84.3453 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 60
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Ain't nobody ever thought about pickin' up nothin'. (Florida-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: The example is attributed by the author to William T. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 27.6665, -81.5152 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 25	Negative concord Example Nobody don't like a boss hardly. (Eastern Atlanta, Georgia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: The example is attributed by the author to Henry G. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 33.7345, -84.3422 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 60
Negative concord Example Down here nobody don't know about no club. (Florida-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: The example is attributed by the author to William T. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 27.6656, -81.5124 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 25	Negative concord Example None of our friends don't fight 'im. (New York City, New York-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: The example is attributed by the author to Larry H. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 40.7983, -73.9461 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 15
Negative concord Example Nobody don't know where it's at. (New York City, New York-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: The example is attributed by the author to Douglas S. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 40.7910, -73.9434 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 17	Negative concord Example None of 'em can't fight. (New York City, New York-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: The example is attributed by the author to Ray L. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 40.7916, -73.9416 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 14
Negative concord Example None that I had, I never had any that I couldn't break yet. (Sonora, Texas-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: The example is attributed by the author to Mike G. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 30.5638, -100.656 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 15	Negative concord Example When it rained, nobody don't know it didn't. (New York City, New York-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: The example is attributed by the author to a sales clerk in Harlem. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 40.7996, -73.9461 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Age:
Negative concord Example Back in them times, there ain't no kid around that ain't-wasn't even thinkin' about smokin' no reefers. (New York City, New York-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 40.796, -73.941 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 29	Negative concord Example Like a sex machine, she stood between Raindrops, snow and hail; She stood on hot bricks to lure her tricks Come cyclone, blizzard or gale. She tricked with the Frenchmen, torpedo men 'n' henchmen, To her they were all the same; She tricked with the Greeks, Arabs and freaks, And breeds I can not name. She tricked with the Jews, Apaches and Sioux, She even tricked in the house of God, For there wasn't a son of a gun who this whore couldn't shun, That claimed to play a rod. (New York City, New York-Occurrence in media) Comments: This example is an excerpt from a Black folklore poem titled 'The fall.' The example comes from a recording by John Lewis from Saladin. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 40.7935, -73.9481 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age:
Negative concord Example A: What about the subway strike? B: Well, wasn't much I couldn't do. (New York City, New York-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Derek. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 40.7951, -73.947 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age:	Negative concord Example It wouldn't of been nothing I could do. (New York City, New York-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Larry H. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 40.7953, -73.9418 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 15
Negative concord Example Ain't nothin' you can do for 'em. (St. Helena Island and Beauford, South Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Roy M. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 32.3967, -80.5573 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 56	Negative concord Example I was writin' for fun 'cause I ain't do it till nothin' was happenin'. (West Philadelphia, Pennsylvania-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Florence. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.9652, -75.2332 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Female Age: 13
Negative concord Example I don't measure nothin'! (Eastern Atlanta, Georgia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Mrs. Gratton. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 33.7399, -84.3415 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 60	Negative concord Example You don't have to know too much of nothing. (Wanchese, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Monnie O. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 35.8458, -75.6338 Ethnicity: White Gender: Female Age: 35
Negative concord Example He [my father] didn' take nothin' offa nobody. (Eastern Atlanta, Georgia-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Henry G. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 33.7370, -84.3495 Ethnicity: White Gender: Male Age: 60	Negative concord Example Once you get an even break, don't fuck it up, cause you might not never get no time see 'im again. (New York City, New York-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Larry H. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 40.7956, -73.9447 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 15
Negative concord Example I ain't never had no trouble with none of 'em. (Florida-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to William T. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 27.6619, -81.5135 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 25	Negative concord Example You better NOT never steal nothin' from me. (New York City, New York-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Jesse H. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 40.7950, -73.9435 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 16
Negative concord Example He ain't not no Collins. (New York City, New York-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Speedy J. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 40.7912, -73.94100 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 15	Negative concord Example I can walk through this wall, but not my physical structure can't walk through this wall. (New York City, New York-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Stanley K. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 40.7964, -73.9429 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 15
Negative concord Example Not no more. They don't fly no more. (New York City, New York-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Lawrence W. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 40.7982, -73.9442 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 15	Negative concord Example Not none-Not none o' our friends, but BIG people. (New York City, New York-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to David H. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 40.7931, -73.9498 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 13
Negative concord Example I went to some f-not no friends of mine, but a friend of MY friend. (South Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Pauline J. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 33.8371, -81.1673 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Age: 37	Negative concord Example She always gets kids in trouble for nothin' they didn' do. (Vineland, New Jersey-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Specific locale: 39.4889, -75.0232 Ethnicity: Puerto Rican Gender: Age:
Negative concord Example I ain't never lost a fight. I ain't never lost a fight. (South Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Robert. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 33.8343, -81.1697 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Age: 13	Negative concord Example I didn' know nothing' about the people, or nothin'. (South Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Pauline J. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 33.8345, -81.1694 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Age: 37
Negative concord Example I might can't get no more fines, neither. (New York City, New York-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Thomas H. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 40.7974, -73.9463 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 11	Negative concord Example N-N-Nobody never took a airplane, none of us took a bus, neither. (New York City, New York-Elicited) Comments: This example is from a repetition task. The consultants were asked to repeat the sentence "Nobody ever took an airplane, and none of us took a bus, either." The example is attributed by the author to Boot. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 40.7948, -73.9481 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 12
Negative concord Example None of us never took an airplane, and none of - take - none of us never take a bus, either. (New York City, New York-Elicited) Comments: This example is from a repetition task. The consultants were asked to repeat the sentence "Nobody ever took an airplane, and none of us took a bus, either." The example is attributed by the author to Money. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 40.7968, -73.947 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age:	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example They ain't nobody died in my family. (West Philadelphia, Pennsylvania-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Pam. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.9678, -75.2312 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Female Age: 13
Negative concord Example Y'all ain't gonna be able to make no slings till we get all these slingshots. (West Philadelphia, Pennsylvania-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Poochie. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.961, -75.2345 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Female Age: 13	Negative concord Example She didn't mean that to do nothin' to you. (West Philadelphia, Pennsylvania-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Maria. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.9681, -75.2388 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Female Age: 13
Negative concord Example I ain't know I could do none of that. (West Philadelphia, Pennsylvania-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Poochie. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.9634, -75.2335 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Female Age: 13	Negative concord Example You can roll your eyes all you want to 'cause I'm tellin' you-tellin', I'm not-not askin' you. And I ain't say no please, either. (West Philadelphia, Pennsylvania-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Pam. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.9662, -75.2311 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Female Age: 13
Negative concord Example We don't want neither one of y'all. (West Philadelphia, Pennsylvania-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Michael. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.9646, -75.2321 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 13	Negative concord Example I ain't write nothin' in no street. (West Philadelphia, Pennsylvania-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Pam. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.9660, -75.2379 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Female Age: 13
Negative concord Example She ain't in no seventh grade. She in eleventh grade. (West Philadelphia, Pennsylvania-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Maria. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.9695, -75.234 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Female Age: 13	Negative concord Example I don't want a piece. I want a whole one. I don't want no piece. (West Philadelphia, Pennsylvania-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Poochie. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.9690, -75.2324 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Female Age: 13
Negative concord Example We ain't write over no streets nothing. (West Philadelphia, Pennsylvania-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is a follow up to 'I ain't write nothin' in no street.' The example is attributed by the author to Florence. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.966, -75.230 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Female Age: 13	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Ain't nobody know about no club. (Florida-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to William T. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 27.6638, -81.5164 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 25
Negative concord Example I don't think the other guy had no chance either. (New York City, New York-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Danny W. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 40.7951, -73.949 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 16	Negative concord Example I told you, I DON'T believe there's no God. (New York City, New York-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Vaughn R. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 40.7971, -73.9465 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 16
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example A: Hold it, Tokay. Somebody shot. B: That's tough. 'Cause ain't nobody down here name somebody. (West Philadelphia, Pennsylvania-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: This example is attributed by the author to Michael. Source Labov 1972 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.96100, -75.239 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 13	Long-distance reflexives Example John told Bill that Tom hates himself. (Mesabi Iron Range, Minnesota-Judgment-based) Comments: Some speakers prefer that "himself" is co-indexed with all three preceding nouns; others prefer that "himself" co-indexes with the subject (John) and not the object (Bill). Source Loss 2011 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Iron Range English Specific locale: 47.572, -93.716 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Long-distance reflexives Example Bill complained that Tom often said that the Jack does not like himself. (Mesabi Iron Range, Minnesota-Judgment-based) Comments: Certain verbs, like "complain," prevent the reflexive "himself" from being co-indexed with "Bill," but co-indexing is fine with "Tom" and "Jack." Source Loss 2011 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Iron Range English Specific locale: 47.562, -93.761 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Long-distance reflexives Example The players heard our stories about each other. (Mesabi Iron Range, Minnesota-Judgment-based) Comments: A first person possessor does not prevent a reciprocal (e.g., each other) from having two interpretations, so "the players" and "our" can both be co-indexed with "each other". Source Loss 2011 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Iron Range English Specific locale: 47.58, -93.797 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Long-distance reflexives Example Jill said that Hillary likes herself. (Mesabi Iron Range, Minnesota-Judgment-based) Comments: The reflexive 'herself' can be co-indexed with 'Jill,' but the author points out that "Jill said that Hillary likes her" where 'Jill' and 'her' are co-indexed is also acceptable. Source Loss 2011 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Iron Range English Specific locale: 47.518, -93.726 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Long-distance reflexives Example John said that I know that Tom likes himself. (Mesabi Iron Range, Minnesota-Judgment-based) Comments: Coreference with a nominal expression in a higher clause is blocked when an intervening nominal expression in subject position does not match the reflexive for person. Hence, 'himself' is blocked from co-indexing with 'John' by 'I' but 'himself' is not blocked from co-indexing with 'Tom.' Source Loss 2011 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Iron Range English Specific locale: 47.579, -93.741 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Long-distance reflexives Example John said that you know that Tom likes himself. (Mesabi Iron Range, Minnesota-Judgment-based) Comments: Coreference with a nominal expression in a higher clause is blocked when an intervening nominal expression in subject position does not match the reflexive for person. Hence, 'himself' is blocked from co-indexing with 'John' by 'you' but 'himself' is not blocked from co-indexing with 'Tom.' Source Loss 2011 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Iron Range English Specific locale: 47.523, -93.733 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Long-distance reflexives Example John said that they know that Tom likes himself. (Mesabi Iron Range, Minnesota-Judgment-based) Comments: Himself' can be co-referred with John and Tom, assuming all three DPs are third-person. Coreference with a nominal expression in a higher clause is blocked when an intervening nominal expression in subject position does not match the reflexive for person, but here all three proper nouns are third person. Source Loss 2011 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Iron Range English Specific locale: 47.546, -93.764 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Long-distance reflexives Example John said that she knows that Tom likes himself. (Mesabi Iron Range, Minnesota-Judgment-based) Comments: Himself' can be co-referred with John and Tom, assuming all three DPs are third-person. Coreference with a nominal expression in a higher clause is blocked when an intervening nominal expression in subject position does not match the reflexive for person, but here all three proper nouns are third person. Source Loss 2011 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Iron Range English Specific locale: 47.569, -93.721 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Long-distance reflexives Example John told me that Tom likes himself. (Mesabi Iron Range, Minnesota-Judgment-based) Comments: "John" and "Tom" can be co-indexed with "himself" even though "me" intervenes. If an intervening non-matching (in person) expression is in object position, co-reference is possible. Source Loss 2011 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Iron Range English Specific locale: 47.533, -93.796 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Long-distance reflexives Example John said that my behavior harmed himself. (Mesabi Iron Range, Minnesota-Judgment-based) Comments: "John" and "himself" are co-indexed, even though the first-person possessor "my" intervenes. If an intervening non-matching (in person) expression is a possessor, co-reference is possible. Source Loss 2011 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Iron Range English Specific locale: 47.561, -93.761 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Long-distance reflexives Example John takes care of himself, and Carl does too. (Mesabi Iron Range, Minnesota-Judgment-based) Comments: IRE speakers consider the "strict" "Carl takes care of John" reading more natural whereas the other reading, "Carl takes care of Carl," is only marginally acceptable. Source Loss 2011 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Iron Range English Specific locale: 47.58, -93.783 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Long-distance reflexives Example *Jim’s coworker harmed himself. (Mesabi Iron Range, Minnesota-Judgment-based) Comments: "Jim" and "himself" cannot be co-indexed. IRE reflexives cannot corefer with a non-c-commanding antecedent when the c-commanding nominal expression is animate. Source Loss 2011 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Iron Range English Specific locale: 47.58, -93.755 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Long-distance reflexives Example As for myself, coffee is fine. (Mesabi Iron Range, Minnesota-Judgment-based) Comments: IRE reflexives cannot corefer with a discourse antecedent, unless the discourse antecedent is the speaker. Source Loss 2011 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Iron Range English Specific locale: 47.565, -93.7100 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Long-distance reflexives Example *As for himself, coffee is fine. (Mesabi Iron Range, Minnesota-Judgment-based) Comments: IRE reflexives cannot corefer with a discourse antecedent, unless the discourse antecedent is the speaker. Source Loss 2011 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Iron Range English Specific locale: 47.585, -93.750 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Long-distance reflexives Example ?As for yourself, coffee is fine. (Mesabi Iron Range, Minnesota-Judgment-based) Comments: IRE reflexives cannot corefer with a discourse antecedent, unless the discourse antecedent is the speaker. Source Loss 2011 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Iron Range English Specific locale: 47.585, -93.750 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Long-distance reflexives Example John made the claim that Bill likes himself. (Mesabi Iron Range, Minnesota-Judgment-based) Comments: "John" cannot be co-indexed with "himself" but "Bill" can be co-indexed with "himself". An IRE reflexive cannot corefer with a nominal expression outside of its simple clause when it is in an NP island. Source Loss 2011 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Iron Range English Specific locale: 47.51, -93.789 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Long-distance reflexives Example Bill said that Paul saw the person who dislikes himself. (Mesabi Iron Range, Minnesota-Judgment-based) Comments: "Bill" and "Paul" cannot be co-indexed with "himself". An IRE reflexive cannot corefer with a nominal expression outside of its simple clause when it is in a relative clause island. Source Loss 2011 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Iron Range English Specific locale: 47.540, -93.796 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:
Long-distance reflexives Example Bill wonders who likes himself. (Mesabi Iron Range, Minnesota-Judgment-based) Comments: "Bill" cannot be co-indexed with "himself". An IRE reflexive cannot corefer with a nominal expression outside of its simple clause when it is in a wh-island. Source Loss 2011 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Iron Range English Specific locale: 47.529, -93.772 Ethnicity: Gender: Age:	Negative inversion Example Ain't a damn thing changed. (Columbus, Ohio-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that the subject in a (copula) negative inversion construction does not need to be a negative quantifier NP subject but can be a non-negative indefinite determiner NP subject. Source Parrott 2000 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.942, -82.994 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 20's
Negative inversion Example *Is something you can do for them. (Columbus, Ohio-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that (copula) negative inversion is restricted to negative sentences and that positive inversion is not possible. This example can be compared to the acceptable "Ain't nothin' you can do for 'em." Source Parrott 2000 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.988, -82.966 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 20's	Negative inversion Example *Was somebody home. (Columbus, Ohio-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that (copula) negative inversion is restricted to negative sentences and that positive inversion is not possible. This example can be compared to the acceptable "Wasn't nobody home." Source Parrott 2000 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.938, -82.912 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 20's
Negative inversion Example *Can somebody beat 'em. (Columbus, Ohio-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that (auxiliary) negative inversion is restricted to negative sentences and that positive inversion is not possible. This example can be compared to the acceptable "Can't nobody beat 'em." Source Parrott 2000 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.965, -82.916 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 20's	Negative inversion Example *Will somebody catch us. (Columbus, Ohio-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that (auxiliary) negative inversion is restricted to negative sentences and that positive inversion is not possible. This example can be compared to the acceptable "Won't nobody catch us." Source Parrott 2000 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.97, -82.937 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 20's
Negative inversion Example *Is nothing you can do for them. (Columbus, Ohio-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that negation in (copula) negative inversion constructions has to be sentential. This example can be compared to the acceptable "Ain't nothin' you can do for 'em." Source Parrott 2000 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.958, -82.947 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 20's	Negative inversion Example *Was nobody home. (Columbus, Ohio-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that negation in (copula) negative inversion constructions has to be sentential. This example can be compared to the acceptable "Wasn't nobody home." Source Parrott 2000 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.926, -82.965 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 20's
Negative inversion Example *Can nobody beat 'em. (Columbus, Ohio-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that negation in (auxiliary) negative inversion constructions has to be sentential. This example can be compared to the acceptable "Can't nobody beat 'em." Source Parrott 2000 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.941, -82.986 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 20's	Negative inversion Example *Will nobody catch us. (Columbus, Ohio-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that negation in (auxiliary) negative inversion constructions has to be sentential. This example can be compared to the acceptable "Won't nobody catch us." Source Parrott 2000 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.936, -82.946 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 20's
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example *Is not nothin' you can do for them. (Columbus, Ohio-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that sentential negation in (copula) negative inversion constructions has to be the clitic morpheme '-n't' and cannot be the negative morpheme 'not'. This example can be compared to the acceptable "Ain't nothin' you can do for 'em." Source Parrott 2000 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.964, -82.953 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 20's	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example *Was not nobody home. (Columbus, Ohio-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that sentential negation in (copula) negative inversion constructions has to be the clitic morpheme '-n't' and cannot be the negative morpheme 'not'. This example can be compared to the acceptable "Wasn't nobody home." Source Parrott 2000 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.949, -82.982 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 20's
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example *Can not nobody beat 'em. (Columbus, Ohio-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that sentential negation in negative inversion constructions has to be the clitic morpheme '-n't' and cannot be the negative morpheme 'not'. This example can be compared to the acceptable "Can't nobody beat 'em." Source Parrott 2000 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.920, -82.965 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 20's	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example *Will not nobody catch us. (Columbus, Ohio-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that sentential negation in negative inversion constructions has to be the clitic morpheme '-n't' and cannot be the negative morpheme 'not'. This example can be compared to the acceptable "Won't nobody catch us." Source Parrott 2000 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.990, -82.958 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 20's
Negative inversion Example *Ain't that thing you can do for 'em. (Columbus, Ohio-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that definite subjects are incompatible with (copula) negative inversion constructions. Source Parrott 2000 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.994, -82.958 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 20's	Negative inversion Example *Wasn't Bill home. (Columbus, Ohio-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that definite subjects are incompatible with (copula) negative inversion constructions. Source Parrott 2000 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.920, -82.946 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 20's
Negative inversion Example *Don't the police break up a fight. (Columbus, Ohio-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that definite subjects are incompatible with (auxiliary) negative inversion constructions. Source Parrott 2000 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.970, -82.957 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 20's	Negative inversion Example *Can't the other team beat 'em. (Columbus, Ohio-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that definite subjects are incompatible with (auxiliary) negative inversion constructions. Source Parrott 2000 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.99, -82.948 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 20's
Negative inversion Example *Won't they catch us. (Columbus, Ohio-Judgment-based) Comments: The author uses this example to show that definite subjects are incompatible with (auxiliary) negative inversion constructions. Source Parrott 2000 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.942, -82.995 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 20's	Negative concord Example It ain't nobody in the hall. (Columbus, Ohio-Judgment-based) Comments: This example has a (copula) negative inversion counterpart, "Ain't nobody in the hall" and a non-inverted counterpart, "Nobody ain't in the hall." Source Parrott 2000 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.981, -82.957 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 20's
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Ain't nobody in the hall. (Columbus, Ohio-Judgment-based) Comments: This example has an expletive counterpart, "It ain't nobody in the hall," and a non-inverted counterpart, "Nobody ain't in the hall." Source Parrott 2000 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.971, -82.923 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 20's	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Can't nobody get in the hall. (Columbus, Ohio-Judgment-based) Comments: This example cannot have a multiple subject counterpart, "*It can't nobody get in the hall" but it can have a non-inverted counterpart, "Nobody can't get in the hall." Source Parrott 2000 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.944, -82.940 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 20's
Split subjects, Negative concord Example *It can't nobody get in the hall. (Columbus, Ohio-Judgment-based) Comments: This example shows that the (auxiliary) negative inversion construction "Can't nobody get in the hall" does not have a multiple subject counterpart. Source Parrott 2000 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.955, -82.94 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 20's	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Wasn't nobody elected to Congress here. (Columbus, Ohio-Judgment-based) Comments: This example is the (copula) negative inversion counterpart of the expletive passive construction, "It wasn't nobody elected to Congress here." Source Parrott 2000 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.947, -82.90 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 20's
Negative inversion Example *Wasn't that man elected to Congress here. (Columbus, Ohio-Judgment-based) Comments: This example is the (copula) negative inversion counterpart of the expletive passive construction, "It wasn't nobody elected to Congress here," but it is unacceptable because the subject is definite. Source Parrott 2000 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.993, -82.941 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 20's	Negative inversion Example *Wasn't the judge from down the street elected to Congress here. (Columbus, Ohio-Judgment-based) Comments: This example is the (copula) negative inversion counterpart of the expletive passive construction, "It wasn't nobody elected to Congress here," but it is unacceptable because the subject is definite. Source Parrott 2000 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.936, -82.93 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 20's
Negative inversion Example *Wasn't John Smith elected to Congress here. (Columbus, Ohio-Judgment-based) Comments: This example is the (copula) negative inversion counterpart of the expletive passive construction, "It wasn't nobody elected to Congress here," but it is unacceptable because the subject is definite. Source Parrott 2000 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.969, -82.973 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 20's	Negative inversion Example *Was somebody elected to Congress here. (Columbus, Ohio-Judgment-based) Comments: This example is the (copula) negative inversion counterpart of the expletive passive construction, "It wasn't nobody elected to Congress here," but it is unacceptable because it is not negative. Source Parrott 2000 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.991, -82.941 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 20's
Negative inversion Example *Was nobody elected to Congress here. (Columbus, Ohio-Judgment-based) Comments: This example is the (copula) negative inversion counterpart of the expletive passive construction, "It wasn't nobody elected to Congress here," but it is unacceptable because there is no sentential negation. Source Parrott 2000 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.99, -82.944 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 20's	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example *Was not nobody elected to Congress here. (Columbus, Ohio-Judgment-based) Comments: This example is the (copula) negative inversion counterpart of the expletive passive construction, "It wasn't nobody elected to Congress here," but it is unacceptable because the sentential negation is not clitic morpheme '-n't'. Source Parrott 2000 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.946, -82.975 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 20's
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Don't seem to be nobody in the hall. (Columbus, Ohio-Judgment-based) Comments: This example is the negative inversion counterpart of the raising construction, "It don't seem to be nobody in the hall." Source Parrott 2000 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.960, -82.933 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 20's	Negative inversion Example *Don't seem to be that man in the hall. (Columbus, Ohio-Judgment-based) Comments: This example is the negative inversion counterpart of the expletive passive construction, "It don't seem to be nobody in the hall," but it is unacceptable because the subject is definite. Source Parrott 2000 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.996, -82.964 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 20's
Negative inversion Example *Don't seem to be the doctor in the hall. (Columbus, Ohio-Judgment-based) Comments: This example is the negative inversion counterpart of the expletive passive construction, "It don't seem to be nobody in the hall," but it is unacceptable because the subject is definite. Source Parrott 2000 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.940, -82.921 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 20's	Negative inversion Example *Don't seem to be Mary in the hall. (Columbus, Ohio-Judgment-based) Comments: This example is the negative inversion counterpart of the expletive passive construction, "It don't seem to be nobody in the hall," but it is unacceptable because the subject is definite. Source Parrott 2000 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.998, -82.979 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 20's
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example *Do not seem to be nobody in the hall. (Columbus, Ohio-Judgment-based) Comments: This example is the negative inversion counterpart of the expletive passive construction, "It don't seem to be nobody in the hall," but it is unacceptable because the sentential negation is not clitic morpheme '-n't'. Source Parrott 2000 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.973, -82.993 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 20's	Split subjects Example There couldn't many of them go to school. (-Occurrence in media) Comments: This example is from the Ex-Slave Recordings. Source Bailey et al. 1991 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: Ethnicity: African American Gender: Age:
Negative inversion Example ?Don't many people go in there. (Columbus, Ohio-Judgment-based) Comments: The author notes that indefinite quantified subjects such as 'many NP' are marginally accepted by his consultant. Source Parrott 2000 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.915, -82.938 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 20's	Negative inversion Example ?Can't three people in the world solve those equations. (Columbus, Ohio-Judgment-based) Comments: The author notes that indefinite quantified subjects such as 'three NP' are marginally accepted by his consultant. Source Parrott 2000 Speaker information (if any) Variety: African American English Specific locale: 39.944, -82.979 Ethnicity: African American Gender: Male Age: 20's
Multiple modals Example One of them might could tell a man where her grave is at. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.858, -86.264 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Multiple modals Example If you give me thirty minutes, I mighta coulda thought of some names. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.88, -86.239 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Multiple modals Example We finally decided we might ought to stop and ask at a service station. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.82, -86.245 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Multiple modals Example I might can go with you tomorrow. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.884, -86.20 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Multiple modals Example They say I could might have lived to make it to the hospital. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.716, -79.795 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	A-prefixing Example It was a-fixin' to come a storm. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.815, -86.216 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
A-prefixing Example It just took somebody all the time a-working, a-keeping that, because it was a-boiling. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.71, -79.785 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	A-prefixing Example I get out there in the creek, and I went to slipping and a-falling and a-pitching. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.827, -86.235 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
A-prefixing Example Way back I guess forty years ago, there was a crowd of us going up Deep Creek a-deer driving. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.80, -86.263 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	A-prefixing Example People will up with their guns and go out a-rabbit hunting, a-bird hunting. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.813, -86.299 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
A-prefixing Example ... while supper was a-fixin'. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.713, -79.77 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	A-prefixing Example Something happened to the child when he was a-bornin'. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.830, -86.244 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
A-prefixing Example I just a-wondered. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.719, -79.718 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	A-prefixing Example You were a-scared of that place. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.780, -79.771 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
A-prefixing Example I would get them a-gentled up, and then I put the yoke on them. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.780, -79.738 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Negative concord, A-prefixing Example They ain't a-bitin' to do no good. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.730, -79.731 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Negative concord Example I've not never heared of that. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.893, -86.2100 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Negative concord Example I hain't seen nothing of him. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.737, -79.735 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Negative concord Example Did he not get none of it? (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.77, -79.730 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Negative concord Example Hit didn't scare me nary a speck nor a spark. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Nary' has a meaning equivalent to 'not a one, not any.' Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.865, -86.25 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Negative concord Example We didn't have no use for it nowadays. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.751, -79.73 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Negative concord Example We ain't starvin' none. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.835, -86.279 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example There's an old house up here but don't nobody live in it, not noway. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.77, -79.779 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Negative concord Example They wasn't never nobody moved back down there. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.753, -79.723 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Negative concord Example None of us wasn't real singers nor nothin' like that. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.722, -79.761 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Negative concord Example He wouldn't never charge nobody a dime for nothing like that. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.753, -79.770 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Didn't nobody up in there in Greenbrier know nothin' about it till they run up on it. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.70, -79.766 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Ain't nary one of 'em married. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Nary' has a meaning equivalent to 'not any.' Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.849, -86.265 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Negative inversion, Negative concord Example Hain't nobody never set [the trap] for any bears since. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.791, -79.714 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Negative inversion, Negative concord Example The house is so far up in the hills that when me and my old woman fuss, can't nobody hear us. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.754, -79.773 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Split subjects Example The Queen family was all of them good to sing. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.793, -79.731 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Split subjects Example We don't any of us need anything. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.726, -79.768 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Split subjects Example They were both of them in the first religious organization that was ever held in Cades Cove. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.73, -79.717 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Split subjects Example They can every one sing. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.832, -86.23 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Split subjects Example They may ever' one of them be down up there. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: The authors note that 'to be down' is equivalent to 'to be sick.' Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.88, -86.290 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Split subjects, Negative concord Example They wouldn't nary one of them go. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Nary' has a meaning equivalent to 'not a one, not any.' Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.748, -79.738 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Split subjects, Negative concord Example We don't nobody know how long we have. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.772, -79.772 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Split subjects, Negative concord Example They didn't none of us ever get snakebit, but their work animal did. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.851, -86.268 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Split subjects Example They'd some go to the stands, you know, and generally two of us drove all the time. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.834, -86.272 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Split subjects Example There'd somebody come around with a truck once in a while. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.87, -86.28 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Split subjects Example They was some of the higher than others. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.797, -79.791 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Negative concord Example Hain't no use to tell you anything about my sickness, Dr. Abels. I ain't got no money. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.752, -79.754 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
A-prefixing Example They hain't a-going to do that. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.822, -86.223 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	A-prefixing Example Don't be a-takin' it down till I tell you a little. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.877, -86.215 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Negative concord Example They had a watermelon like I ain't never eat before. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.892, -86.257 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	A-prefixing Example That's not what I was a-wantin' to hear. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.887, -86.269 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
A-prefixing Example Pap and them was a-carrying the bear. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.743, -79.70 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	A-prefixing Example Him and one of his nephews went a-fishing one time, and they was up on what was called Desolation. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.874, -86.298 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:
Personal dative Example George built him a house up there. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: George' and 'him' are coreferential. Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.821, -86.20 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age:	Personal dative Example I had me a pair of crutches. (Tennessee, North Carolina-Naturally occurring in speech) Comments: Source Montgomery & Hall 2004 Speaker information (if any) Variety: Smoky Mountain English, Appalachian English Specific locale: 35.76, -79.743 Ethnicity: White Gender: Age: